Abavubuka mwenyigire mu bulimi - Kabaka awadde amagezi:


8th December, 2014


By Dickson Kulumba ne Paddy Bukenya


Kabaka ng’awuubira ku bantu be ku mbuga y’eggombolola y’e Buwama mu ssaza ly’e Mawokota e Mpigi ku Lwomukaaga ku mikolo gy’Abavubuka mu Buganda.


KABAKA Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II alagidde abavubuka okwongera okwegatta 

beenyigire mu bulimi nga balima ebirime eby’ettunzi okusobola okwekulaakulanya.

Omutanda ng’ali ku mikolo gy’abavubuka mu Buganda ku mbuga y’eggombolola y’e Buwama mu ssaza lya Mawokota mu disitulikiti y’e Mpigi ku Lwomukaaga, yawadde abavubuka amagezi okukozesa ebifo ku masaza ne ku magombolola okukolerako emirimu egy’enjawulo egy’enkulaakulana

n’asiima abatandiseewo emirimu ne bayambako n’abalala okwebeezaawo.



Ente Omubaka Kenneth Kiyingi Bbosa (Mawokota South) gye yatonedde 

Ssaabasajja ku Lwomukaaga. 


Kabaka alagidde abavubuka okwekebeza Kabaka yakubirizza abavubuka okwekuuma:


“Omwaka guno tujjukiziddwa ensonga y’ebyobulamu. Abavubuka tusaanye okwekuuma nga tuli balamu, okwekebeza buli mwaka kubanga si kirungi okugenda mu ddwaaliro nga tumaze okugonda ate omuvubuka alina okulya obulungi.”


Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga yakunze abavubuka okukozesa emikisa Kabaka gy’abatee

reddewo; mu by’obulimi beekwate BUCADEF n’okuyingira Ssuubiryo Zambogo SACCO.


Omulamwa gwabadde; Omuvubuka omulamu ate nga mukozi ye nnamuziga w’enku

laakulana mu Buganda, era wano Minisita w’abavubuka e Mmengo, Henry Ssekabembe, we yategeerezza nga bammemba ba Ssuubiryo Zambogo SACCO bwe batuuse ku 1,500 nga kati balinawo n’obukadde 285.


Abamu ku Baamasaza ku mukolo gw’Abavubuka mu Buganda e Mawokota ku Lwomukaaga.


Omukolo gwetabyeko; ssentebe w’abavubuka mu Buganda, Richard Kabanda, Kayima David Ssekyeru, Katikkiro eyawummula Dan Mulika, sipiika wa Buganda Nelson Kawalya n’omumyuka we Ahmed Lwasa, Minisita Amelia Kyambadde, Omubaka Kenneth Kiyingi Bbosa (Mawokota South) ssaako baminisita b’e Mmengo, abakulu b’ebika n’Abaamasaza.

Abayimbi; Mathias Walukagga ne Fred Ssebbale be baasanyusiza abantu ba Kabaka.

The first bank in The Ganda Kingdom:

By Henry Lubega

Posted  Sunday,1 st March,  2015 


Before 1906, there was no banking institution in Uganda until November of the same year when the national Bank of India opened its first branch in Entebbe, and four years later it opened the first bank in Kampala, although it was later taken up to become Grindlys Bank.

The National Bank of India was followed by Standard Bank of South Africa Limited when on September 19, 1912, it opened its first branch in Kampala. And a few years later it opened another branch in Jinja.


Barclays followed in 1927 when it opened two branches in Kampala and Jinja. In 1954 three more banks; Bank of Baroda, Bank of India and The Nedelandsche Handel-Maatschappij M.V (Netherlands Trading Society) opened in Uganda.

According to Saben’s commercial directory and handbook of Uganda, as early as 1949 the banking system had been established in Uganda but did not control much of the financial liquidity that was in circulation across the board in the country.

“Much of the money was controlled in the bazaars and other channels which were predominantly controlled by people of the Asian origin. These people played a key role in the buying of cotton.

However, areas where banks were non-existent, merchants in those areas played the part of the banks. This was through taking drafts in exchange for cash or physical items in exchange for hard cash,” Saben wrote.

By 1950, it was realised that to bring more Africans into the business there was need to provide them with credit. Unfortunately, the commercial banks at the time would not extend credit to Africans because of the nature of their securities.

Under Ordinance number 20 of 1950 the Uganda Credit and Saving Bank was created purposely to extend credit facilities to Africans with the aim of furthering agriculture, commercial building and co-operative society purposes.

On October 2, 1950, the bank was opened and by 1961 it had spread to places like Arua, Fort Portal, Jinja, Soroti, Gulu, Masaka and Mbale, taking only African deposits.

Building Society

Two years later, the first Building Society in Uganda was opened as a subsidiary of a Kenyan owned firm Savings and Loans Society Limited. 

More financial institutions continued to open up in Uganda with Lombard Bank from Kenya, in partnership with Uganda Development Corporation, opening the Lombank Uganda Limited in 1958. It was this bank which first introduced the hire purchase system of shopping in Uganda.

It was not until 1966 that through an act of Parliament that Bank of Uganda was created. Prior to this, issues to do with money were handled by the East African currency board which had its head offices in Kenya.

African Traditional Revenue and Taxation:

Money in dollar bills seized from a home of the Commissioner General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority is pictured down: Over 20 bags of it:








Oluguudo Lwa Kabaka Njagala, Mubweenyi

bw'enju ya Kisingiri ewa Musolooza.




Ssentebe - 256 712845736 Kla

Muwanika -256

712 810415 Kla




Email Links:












Kikirikisi-Mmese etera okuzimba mu kitooke.












Nkerebwe nkulu esima nga eggalira

Olukiiko lwa Buganda lwanjudde embalirira ya buwumbi 7



The Kabaka of Buganda launches a book on Ssekabaka Muteesa II struggles:

Posted Friday, 27 May, 2016


By the Monitor, Uganda


Kabaka Mutebi (centre) with Mr Patrick Makumbi (right) and Dr Colin Sentongo (left) at the book launch at Bulange in Mengo, Kampala.


Kampala in the State Kingdom of Buganda:
Kabaka Ronald Mutebi on Wednesday, 25th May 2016,  launched a book about the struggles of his late father and former Buganda king, Edward Muteesa II, touching on Uganda’s history before and after independence.

The book titled The Brave King, revisits the stories of Muteesa’s exiling, first between 1953 and 1955, and again from 1966 to 1969 when he died in London. The author, Mr Patrick Makumbi, drew from the documents preserved by his father, 99-year-old Thomas Makumbi, who was an official at Mengo, Buganda’s power capital.

“I was very happy to write the preface to this book,” Kabaka Mutebi said, adding: “It will help the readers understand what Kabaka Muteesa went through in those days.”

When Mutesa was exiled in 1953, the older Makumbi, the father of the author, led a team of six Buganda officials to negotiate with the British about the king’s return to Buganda, which was secured in 1955. The other members of the team were Mr Apollo Kironde, Mr Matayo Mugwanya, Mr Amos Sempa, Mr Eridadi Mulira and Mr Ernest Kalibbala.

Kabaka Mutebi, while officiating at the function, called on more people to document what they saw during those days, saying “it is a good thing” that some of those who witnessed or participated in the events are still alive. Muteesa himself wrote about the period in question in his autobiography, The Desecration of my Kingdom, and Kabaka Mutebi’s endorsement of Mr Makumbi’s new book will be seen as an extension of the kingdom’s bid to manage the narrative.

Mr Apollo Makubuya, Buganda’s third deputy Katikkiro, at the launch held at Bulange-Mengo said there have been attempts to misrepresent history by “those who do not like us”.

Accusations and counter accusations of betrayal between Buganda Kingdom and Obote are rooted in a rather happy start, when Buganda’s party Kabaka Yekka (KY) teamed up with Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress to defeat the Democratic Party and form government at independence in 1962.

But the two centres of power soon quarrelled violently and were involved in what many have regarded as a critical turning point in Uganda’s history. The army, on Obote’s orders, stormed Muteesa’s palace on May 24, 1966, killing multitudes and forcing the king-president into exile.

Mr Makubuya said his grandfather was among those killed during the attack, an occasion the kingdom commemorates yearly on May 24. He said in addition to explaining how Buganda and Muteesa suffered during that period, Mr Makumbi’s book will clarify a number of other issues, including how colonialism thwarted Buganda’s development efforts.

He said Buganda stiffly resisted colonialism and the demands of colonial governor Andrew Cohen in particular, to the extent of winning a court case in London against the exiling of Muteesa. In all its efforts, Mr Makubuya said, Buganda was consistently seeking autonomy, and that the kingdom can “never” lose sight of this objective.

Mr Makumbi, the author, said his father could not attend the launch due to old age.

The publication of the book was financed by Dr Colin Sentongo, who said at the launch that KY, which ceased to exist in the 1960s, is the only political party he has ever belonged to.

The fathers of Mr Makumbi and Dr Sentongo met with Muteesa as students at Kings College Budo, from where, Mr Sentongo said, the three men forged a life-long friendship. It is probably much for this reason that Kabaka Mutebi warmed up to Mr Sentongo and Mr Makumbi at the launch.



Fiscal Budget y'Ensi Buganda ebiro bino:

Posted 7th July, 2014


By Dickson Kulumba


Omuwanika wa Buganda, Eve Nagawa Mukasa


Omukyala Eve asomye embalirira y’Obwakabaka bwa Buganda eya 2014/2015 nga ya buwumbi 7 (7,411,638,600/-) . 

Embalirira eno eri wansi w’omulamwa 'Okwolesebwa n’Ebigendererwa' egendereddwamu okutumbula enkulaakulana okuli; okumaliriza Amasiro g’e Kasubi ne Wamala, Masengere, okulongoosa Ennyanja ya Kabaka, okussawo etterekero ly’ebyedda, okukulaakulanya ettaka ly’e Kigo ne Makindye 'State Lodge', okuzimba olubiri lw’omulangira Juma Katebe, okuzimba olubiri lwa Namasole, okuddaabiriza embuga z’Amasaza wamu n’okuzimba eddwaliro ly’abakyala.


Nagawa yagambye nti ensimbi zino zisuubirwa okuva mu Buganda Land Board, Amasomero, Minisitule ez’enjawulo, mu bupangisa, amakampuni g’Obwakabaka, ebitongole ebigaba obuyambi n’obuwumbi buna okuva mu Gavumenti eya wakati.


Ng’ayogera mu lukiiko luno, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga yasabye abantu okutambulira ku kiragiro kya Kabaka eky’abantu okujjumbiro ebifo by’obulambuzi era n'ategeza nti pulojekiti zonna Obwakabaka ze butandiseeko ssi zaakukoma mu kkubo, zirina okumalirizibwa n’olwekyo enkola y’okunoonya Ettoffaali ekyagenda mu maaso kubanga Kabaka ayitibwa mufumbya Gganda n'antabalirira batyabi- ensimbi zikyetaagisa.


Olukiiko luno lwetabiddwamu abakiise bangi ddala ne baminisita ba Kabaka nga lwakubiriziddwa, Sipiika Nelson Kawalya eyagambye nti embalirira eno abakiise basaanye okugenda n’ekiwandiiko kino, bwe banakomawo mu lukiiko luno basobole okugiyisa.

Okunnyikiza obuntubulamu kyakutaasa obutonde bw'ensi-Kabaka

By Dickson Kulumba


Added 31st October 2019


Okunnyikiza obuntubulamu kyakutaasa obutonde bw'ensi-Kabaka


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Maama Nnabagereka ng'ayogera mu lukung'aana


KABAKA Mutebi II awadde amagezi abakulembeze ku lukalu lwa Afrika okunnyikiza obuntubulamu ng’emu ku nkola ezigenda okutaasa n’okukuuma obutonde bwensi obwonoonese ennyo ensangi zino.


Bino byabadde mu bubaka bwe bweyatisse Maama Nnabagereka Sylivia Nagginda eri olukung'aana ku butonde bwensi mu nsi yonna (Global Landscapes Forum) nga lwa badde mu kibuga Accra eky’ensi Ghana okuva ku Lwokubiri October 29-30,2019 naagamba nti ebbula ly’omwoyo gwa bulungibwansi lyongedde okutatana obutonde.



“Tulaba okwonooneka kw’obutonde bwensi n’enkyukakyuka y’obudde ng’akabonero akalaga obubulwa bw’obuntubulamu mu bantu,” Obubaka bwa Kabaka bwebwasomye mu lukung'aana luno olwategekedde aba United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Yanyonyodde nti Obuntubulamu busimbye mu nnono z’Abafirika (Ubuntu nga bwekyogerwa e South Africa) nga mulimu obuvunanyizibwa,okufaayo,okweyisa obulungi,okussa ekitiibwa mu bantu,okulumirirwa abalala,n’obwesimbu.

Kabaka era yayongedde n'ategeeza olukung'aana luno olw’etabiddwamu abakugu ku nkozesa y’ettaka,obutonde bwensi n’okukubaganya ebirowoozo ku ndagaano y’e Paris- Bufalansa ekwata ku mbeera y’obudde nti enkola y’obuntubulamu emaze emyaka n’ebisiibo mu Buganda,esobola okweyambisibwa okukuuma embeera y’ensi eno gyetulimu nga nnungi.


Abagenyi abatude mu Lukiiko olwabadde e Lagos, Ghana



Kabaka yagambye nti mu Africa,ennono n’obuwangwa bikola kinene mu kukuuma obutonde bwensi naawa eky’okulabirako ky’ebika bya Buganda 54 ebikozesebwa mu nsonga eno.

“ Buli kika kirina omuziro nga bino birabibwa mu bisolo,ebiwuka oba ebimera era nga kizira okulya okulya ekika oba omuziro gwo. Kino kiteeka obuvunanyizibwa ku buli muntu okukuuma n’okulwanirira okubeerawo kw’ekika kye,”Kabaka bweyagambye mu bubaka bwe.


Kabaka yasiimye ekibiina ky’amawanga amagatte (United Nations) wansi w’obukulembeze bwa Ssabawandiisi waakyo, Antonio Guterres olw’okubangawo enkola ng’ali ne bannamikago okunogera ekizibu ky’enkyukakyuka y’obudde,eddagala kuba kino kyabulabe eri omuntu n’obutonde.

Ebigendererwa mukaaga ku 17 eby’okutumbula enkulakulana mu nsi yonna,birafubana ku kulaba ng’ensi n’obutonde bikuumibwa kuba okwonooneka kw’embeera y’ensi kukosa abantu obuwumbi 3.2 mu nsi yonna kwaabo obuwumbi omusanvu abagirimu n’okutwala ebitundu by’ensimbi z’ensi yonna 10 ku buli 100 okugonjoola ebizibu bino.

Ku lwokuna Nnabagereka n’ekibinja kyeyagenda nakyo omwaali Minisita wa Bulungibwansi e Mmengo Hajjat Mariam Mayanja,lwebasimbudde okukomawo e Uganda nga mu lukungana luno Kabaka yayitibwa ng’omugenyi omukulu.


Kibi nyo nti Ssekabaka Muteesa II yawanjaga ko eri UN kunsonga Central Governmenti , Uganda, eyo mumwaka gwa 1966 gyeyali etandise okukwatamu ensonga zensi ya Buganda. UN yalemmwa okufaayo era neleka ebizibu ebyo byebake otulo nga bwekisoboka okutuusa olunnaku lwa leero.


Abakungu ababade e Ghana abazungu ensi eyo bagituuma Gold(Zaabu) ate eya Uganda nebagituuma Pearl (amayinja agamasamasa agobugagga). Era nekakati ensi nga Ghana bakyagiraga obuntubulamu bwebakozesa okusomba Zaabu mubirombe nebamujjuza mu banks e London, Paris, ne New York. Kakati okubagunjula mu buntubulamu basobole okukuuma nokutaasa obutonde bwensi United Nation erina emitango gyeyatekawo egiri mubuwandiike gamba nga mukutaasa kw'abaganda okukuuma ebibira, ebisolo, ebiwuka, emigga nentobazzi, ebiri okumpi okuggwawo wano e Buganda. Ate nebanansi obutamala gassengulwa kuttaka lyabwe eryobwabajajja munsi zonna.


Mpozzi nga waliwo endowooza ya Science eyennaku zino egamba nti obuntu bulamu nga obugunjufu bwomuntu ebiro bino busobola okukuuma embeera zobutonde bwensi. Naye omululu gwensimbi, obubbi, okuwamba ettaka, nebirala bingi okubiziyiza gyetagisa okuwa omutango. Okwonona obutonde bwensi, ensi nyingi ebiro bino olwenkola yobuntu bulamu, zitekawo omutango eri abantu abatalina buntu bulamu, abonoona ensi okukamala. Obugunjufu abantu bangi nyo babalaba nga tebabulina nakamu.







The expensive Scramble and partition of Uganda that started from 1962 to 2019 that is costing the country lots of money:


9 October, 2019


By Henry Lubega, Daily Monitor

Britain peacefully hands over the flag of Uganda to the Then Prime Minister, Milton Obote on  the 9th October, 1962 

The peaceful flag of Buganda gets waved on in the Equatorial Wind in the State of Buganda

The modern approach to the new flag of independence for the State of Buganda and more so for the country of Uganda

The new military approach to the survival of the blue  flag and its  country after 57 years since Buganda and then Uganda became independent

In Summary

Fifty-seven years after Independence, successive governments in power since 1962 have used the same divide-and-rule tactics of the colonial administration to govern Uganda and weaken potentially problematic regional or ethnic groupings, despite evidence of the high cost of the strategy, analysis by this newspaper shows.
With 134 districts and more planned, Uganda has the highest number of administrative units in the world, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) global report on local administration. Slovenia follows with 122 and Russia with 85.
The number of administrative units in Uganda has continued to rise despite widespread warnings about their lack of economic viability and their drain on public resources.
Earlier this year, President Museveni called for a cull of “wasteful” public expenditure on districts, sub-counties and town councils. “We are spending a lot of money on administration when youth are crying for more money…creation of districts can wait,” he said.
Finance minister Matia Kasaija echoed similar sentiments after Parliament approved the creation of 364 sub-counties, 352 town councils and 10 cities without set-up funds.
“Government has taken a decision that in future, creation of any new administrative units in government must have a certificate of financial implications to certify that government has the resources to finance these institutions,” he said.
Yet analysis by this newspaper shows that while government officials have long known about the high costs of creating new administrative units, they have continued to support their creation to generate political support.

Divided we stand
At Independence, Uganda had 15 administrative units. They included four traditional kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro, Tooro and Ankole, the territory of Busoga and the districts of Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, West Nile, Acholi, Kigezi, Sebei, Lango and Madi.
After the 1966 falling out between the central government and Kabaka Edward Muteesa II of Buganda Kingdom who was also the titular President, Buganda was split into four districts of Bombo, Mubende, Masaka and Mpigi, increasing the administrative units to 19.
The ‘Pigeon hole Constitution’ of 1967 followed, so-called because it was not only slotted into MPs’ pigeonholes at Parliament after it had been signed into law. It did away with the 1962 Constitution, abolished all kingdoms and turned Uganda into a republic.
With the exception of Buganda, which had already been split into four distinctive districts, Bunyoro, Tooro and Ankole were renamed districts but under their kingdom names and so was Busoga.
Between 1971, when Idi Amin took power in a coup, and 1974, Uganda was further sub-divided and the number of districts rose to 37. Acholi district was split into East and West Acholi; Karamoja was divided into North and South Karamoja.
Other new changes included the creation of Kasese and Bundibugyo districts, carved out of Kabarole. By this time, the country had been divided into 10 provinces; Busoga, Central, Eastern, Western, Karamoja, Southern, Northern Buganda, Nile, Northern and Southern Buganda. These became the primary administrative units, with the districts secondary tiers of administration.
There were no further changes until 1980 when the provinces were discarded and the number of districts reduced to 33. These remained in place until 1986 when the National Resistance Army/Movement captured power.
Under Legal Notice No. 7 of 1986, the NRM appointed a 10-member commission of inquiry into Local Government Systems. Prof Mahmood Mamdani chaired it with Mr Francis Xavier Lubanga as secretary.
The commission found that multiplication of districts undermined development because the high administrative costs diverted resources meant for provision of essential social services.
“Quite often, the response of governments to popular demands for a more responsive administration has been to create new and smaller units,” the Commission noted in its report.
“There is no doubt that the multiplication of administrative units is a costly affair.
“We were hesitant to recommend the creation of new and additional administrative units, bearing in mind that these would increase unproductive costs of administration, both in terms of creating an administrative infrastructure and payment of personnel... Given our strong view that the exercise in creating new districts over the past decade and a half has been arbitrary, haphazard and hardly defensible, we would have recommended a review of the status of all existing districts with a view to de-grading those which do not meet minimum criteria....”
Despite the recommendations, in 1990 the government carved Kalangala out of Masaka District. A year later, Kibaale District was created out of Hoima, Mubende gave birth to Kiboga while Kabale and Tororo birthed Kisoro and Pallisa, respectively. In 1994, Bushenyi and Mbarara gave birth to Ntungamo.
In 1997, six more districts were created; Moyo gave birth to Adjumani, Iganga to Bugiri and Tororo to Busia. Katakwi was carved out of Soroti, Nakasongola out of Luweero and Sembabule out of Masaka, bringing the total to 45.
By 2000, the districts’ maternity ward was heavy with expectation and a motion was moved in Parliament to create another 11 districts. This created Wakiso, Mayuge, Pader, Kamwenge, Kyenjojo, Yumbe, Kanungu, Sironko, Kayunga, Kaberamaido and Nakapiripirit, taking the tally to 56.
Between 2005 and 2007, another 24 new districts were created to bring the total to 80.
In March 2005 in Tororo, Gerald Omast, the former LC3 chairperson of Osukuru Sub-county, ate a rat during a public rally addressed by President Museveni to express his demand and that of the people in Tororo for a district status.
Between 2007 and 2010, the partition resumed and Buhweju, a county in Bushenyi District, was turned into a full district; Bukomansimbi, which was a county in Masaka District, was made a district of its own and Agago District was carved out of Pader. Alebtong District was carved out of Lira District; Bulambuli was formed by taking Bulambuli County from Sironko District and Butambala County in Mpigi District was turned into a district , among others.

At the time of independence, the districts were very huge, which could justify the reduction in size. However, along the way their creation ceased being a size issue and became political. A retired professor at Makerere University, who prefers not to be quoted says the reason of taking services to the people has lost meaning, a number of those districts don’t have services delivered to them.
“Recently the reason is political, when the demand is made so as not to lose the support districts are created to keep the political support,” he says.
The professor adds the need to win the political support has come with a financial burden to the taxipayers. “More districts are increasing the number of parliamentarians, besides the cost of administering the new districts, the cost of a huge parliament are further hampering the delivery of services.”
According to the Decentralisation and Local Government in Uganda report of July 2014 by UNDP, the administration of local governments between 1997/8 and 2007/8 rose by 336.4 per cent from Shs224.9b to Shs1 trillion.
“The districtisation is the cost of democracy as President Museveni once said. This has happened mostly towards elections or a major political event. However, for the past 57 years there has been tension between the national vision and the reality on the ground. This has been so because Uganda’s creation was traumatic and the post-colonial leaders have not been able to deal with that trauma. Therefore, whichever government Uganda has, is and was bound to give in to districtisation,” says constitutional lawyer Kabumba Busingye.







Wano e Buganda, Ababaka ba Parliamenti  balemeseddwa okuyingira  mu (zi ‘Safe Houses’) amakomera mwebasibira abazzi bemisango abalina okugibwako obujjulirwa namanyi ge mundu:

By Musasi wa Bukedd


Added 11th September 2019


ABABAKA abatuula ku kakiiko k’eddembe ly’obuntu mu palamenti bakonkomalidde ku bikomera by’amayumba agenjawulo agagambibwa okuba Safe House ewakuumirwa abantu ne batulugunyizibwa ebitagambika.


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Omuserikale ng’ayogera n’ababaka e Nakasero ku kitebe kya ISO.


Amayumba ababaka ge baalambudde gabadde galudde ng’abantu bagansongamu ennwe ng’agakozesebwa okutulugunya Bannayuganda ne basalawo okutuukayo balabire ddala biki ebikolebwayo.


Ababaka bano abaabadde bakulembeddwa ssentebe w’akakiiko, Jennifer Nantume (mukazi Buvuma) baalambudde ebifo bisatu okuli e Kyengera mu zooni ya Nkokonjeru B, Nalukolongo ne Nakasero ku kitebe kya ISO wabula wonna tebakkiriziddwa kuyingira.

Enju y’e Kyengera abatuuze abamu baategeezezza nti kumpi buli lunaku wabaayo abantu abalaajana mu kiro nga basaba obuyambi era tebakkiriza yadde omuntu ayimirira okuliraana ekikomera kino.


Sulaiman Kayema yagambye nti olunaku lumu omuserikale yamusaba okumutwalirako amazzi mu butamanya n’ayingira ekikomera naye baamukuba emiggo nga bwe bamubuuza eyali amulagidde okuyingirayo era okuva olwo teyaddayo.

Mu luggya lw’ennyumba eno waasangiddwawo emmotoka nnya okuli ekika kya Premio bbiri ng’emu terina nnamba, eya Noah emu ne Benz enzirugavu era nga wakuumibwa butiribiri.

Abatuuze baategeezezza nti enju eno nannyini yo ayitibwa Roger ng’akolera poliisi ng’omubazi w’ebitabo avunaanyizibwa ku kitundu ky’amassekkati (Central Region).

Ababaka abalala kw’abaddeko Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu – Bobi Wine( Kyaddondo East), Latif Ssebagala (Kawempe North), Francis Zaake (munisipaali y’e Mityana), Veronica Nannyondo (Mukazi Bukomansimbi), Rafael Magyezi (Igara West) n’ababaka abalala.

Bano olwatuuse e Kyengera baayogedde n’omusajja eyabeeyanjulidde nga Vincent Kalibbala akulira ekifo ataabaganyizza kuyingira okuggyako nga bafunye olukusa okuva e Nakasero ku kitebe kya ISO.

Bino obwedda bigenda mu maaso ng’abaserikale n’abasajja abaabadde mu leeya bali mu luggya beetala n’emmundu zaabwe abalala nga bakuba amasimu ag’okumukumu era ekyaddiride ababaka ne babivaako.

Bwe baavudde e Kyengera baagenze butereevu e Nalukolongo awali ebizimbe ebyazimbibwa ng’akasomero ka nassale era wano waasangiddwaawo abaserikale basatu okwabadde abali mu by’ambalo bya LDU babiri n’owaamagye era nga bano baasindise ababaka okusooka okugenda ku poliisi e Nateete bafune olukusa okuva ewa MaJ. Sulaiti ababaka kye baagaanye.

Aloysius Mukasa omu ku batuuze yategeezezza ababaka nti awo e Nalukolongo wennyini baasangawo mutuuze munnaabwe ayitibwa Yiga eyali omusuubuzi w’embaawo mu Ndeeba gwe battirawo era baggyawo mulambo ne bagenda ne baziika.

Ababaka okulambula kwabwe baakufundiikiridde Nakasero ku kitebe kya ISO wabula wano beenyodde n’abaserikale abakuuma omulyango oguyingira munda okumala eddakiika ezikunukkiriza mu 40 okutuusa lwe baalemeddwa okutuuka ku kukkaanya.

Akulira ekifo kino yabasindikidde omuserikale eyategeerekeseeko erya Kitara eryabadde ku kyambalo kye n’asaba omubaka akulira akakiiko yekka ayingire, wabula ababaka okwabadde Kyagulanyi n’abalala ne bamugamba nti tayingira kuba buli kimu bakikolera wamu era naye kye yakkirizza.

Baabadde bakyali awo ne wavaayo omusajja eyabadde mu ssaati enjeru n’ettaayi mu langi eya kyenvu n’abalagira okuvaawo kuba baalemeddwa okutuuka ku kukkaanya.


Kakati no ababaka mulekerawo okwewuggusa nga bwemulaga omululu gwokulya sente. Mu Parliamenti muleese ekiteeso nate ekikyuusa Ssemateeka. Ekiteeso ekikomyawo term limits muganye okukitekako akawayiro akazibikira banabyabufuzi abagala okwesimbawo nga bamaze okufugako term limits 2 oba 4 obutateekwa kwesimbawo nate mukulonda kwawamu okwa Uganda. Tewali mutuuze wa Uganda abalumirwa kakati nga mukola emirimu gyammwe gyemwatekamu obuzibu nga mukigenderede.


Omuzungu alwanye kuntalo enyingi kyava agamba nti tekiba kyamagezi okukwata emundu wetaase omulabe ate newekuba essasi mukigere.






1966-2019: How Mr Ocheng, a Uganda Member of Parliament, brought out a motion in Parliament to fight Central government corruption, and all hell broke loose with the Armed Forces of the Uganda Army:

Written by URN

President Yoweri Museveni with his gun


President Yoweri Museveni with his gun


For at least 33 years, February 6 is celebrated annually. General Museveni's emphasis on military capability connects Tarehe Sita to another historical event, 53 years ago, that might be a major factor in the militarisation of Uganda's politics. In the second and final part of our series, we revisit some of the events of 1966 that laid the foundation for successive leaders to always turn to the military to answer questions of political nature.

Foreign Affairs minister Sam Odaka and John Kakonge, a specially elected legislator, tried in vain to turn the political tide. In the end, only Kakonge opposed the motion. As the motion sailed through parliament and Amin was sent on leave, Prime Minister Obote returned to Kampala. 


Odaka's Creed

Sam Odaka, Foreign Affairs minister and member of parliament from Tororo, began his submission by hitting at some of his cabinet colleagues whom he accused of treachery. He coined what he called "Odaka's creed."

"I believe in government, and in its being quite decent, condoning no corruption, condoning on criminal acts, carrying out its full duties and responsibilities, collectively and justly. I believe that ministers who find the cabinet motto, "One for All and All for One" unacceptable to them, must resign at once from it."
Odaka was directing his "creed" at ministers Balaki Kirya, Emmanuel Lumu, Mathias Ngobi, Grace Ibingira and George Magezi. This forced Dr Lumu to respond: "Many members of this House asked us to resign quickly, from the Uganda cabinet…Why should we? What is wrong with this motion? It has not censured the Premier, it censured not cabinet, it gives none of you a cause to call for the resignations of some of your ministers who resolved to accept it."
But Odaka had turned his gun and pointed it to the mover of the motion, Daudi Ocheng. "Ocheng has accused so far seven outstanding persons of the crime of corruption. These are minister Lumu and minister Ngobi, Mr Roger Mukasa, chairman of the Coffee Board, and Kalangi Ntende, chairman of Lint Marketing. And, today, the Prime Minister and two of his ministers."

Odaka argued that Ocheng's allegations were not backed by any written complaints nor by any affidavits, noting: "Corruption exposure is now Ocheng's speciality. I do not grudge him the job, but I would like to ensure that he does that good job well by following simple rules and elementary steps of reporting any crimes. The machinery is here, why then does he not use it? Is he afraid …that a libel case would be brought against him?"
Odaka chided Ocheng for using parliamentary immunity to destroy other people's characters. "He prefers parliamentary freedom and immunity to protect him from his trade - trade of assassinating character, and all good names," Odaka said.
Summing up his submission, Odaka said: "Go ahead Mr Ocheng. Ply well this tough trade of yours, your target is now in sight. Charge a few more ministers of corruption and bribery, and most ministers would be corrupt according to you. That would be the very time to change government at once…"
Odaka was a strong UPC pillar and confidant of Obote in the 1960s and 1980s. As foreign affairs minister from 1962 and 1971, Odaka played a leading role in organising the visit of Pope Paul VI to Uganda in July 1969, the first papal visit in Africa. As Mutesa lived on handouts in exile from 1966 until his death in 1969, Odaka was the face and voice of the Obote I government as it took a hard-line stance, denying the Kabaka access to financial resources.
Later, in the Obote II government between 1981 and 1985, Odaka served as Planning and Economic Development minister until Obote's overthrow in July 1985. He died in August 2015. 
Country going to the dogs, heading for trouble
John Kakonge, the only legislator to unequivocally oppose the motion, had lost his secretary general's docket to Ibingira at the 1964 UPC delegates conference in Gulu. Ironically, Obote had outmanoeuvred Kakonge in support of Ibingira during the conference. In 1965, Kakonge became a specially elected member of parliament, this time with the backing of Obote and with Ibingira opposing him.
During the debate, Kakonge called on his colleagues to have clarity of mind. "Clarity of mind is what we need most right now. Though the motion charged Amin of alleged grave misconduct…the mover charged the premier and two of his ministers of corruption and of plots to overthrow, by violence, the Uganda constitution," Kakonge submitted.
He added: "What does this really entail? Might acceptance of motion not imply that this very House has accepted accusations against our premier and two of his ministers?"
He cited what he called abnormal behaviours, unusual practice and the strange things going around as causes for concern. "Thus for the first time this House has seen ministers clash here. It has seen ministers talk and reveal what they should not. Judging by the trend of these unusual occurrences, we are going to the dogs, we are heading for trouble," warned Kakonge,
Opolot, not Amin bringing trouble
Kakonge accused Army commander, Brigadier Shaban Opolot, not his deputy Col Idi Amin, of plotting to topple the government. "Punishing Col Amin will not solve any trouble. I have heard other versions of what is to bring trouble. It is not Col Amin but Brigadier Opolot, commander of the army," he said.
He added that a group of ministers were supporting Opolot and that they regarded Amin as a stumbling block. Kakonge went on to downgrade the debate as of the lowest standard characterized by rumours, hearsay and falsehoods. Just like Sam Odaka, Kakonge warned of trouble ahead unless government took firm steps to arrest the situation.

"I can see with my mind's eyes; troubles knocking at the door, and tragedies threatening to swallow all of us up…Only one thing can save us: firm and very firm action by the Uganda government, to whom I now say this much: Stop these plots and counter-plots."
Without mentioning names, Kakonge warned of foreign elements working with local leaders to undermine the government. "Mark my words about these plots, they are not of native birth but born and bred by aliens, executed by some of us who rather unwittingly got involved with those aliens. It might yet not be too late, for them to defy aliens," he said.
He asked those involved in plots and counter-plots to reflect on the repercussions of their actions. "It will sober you a bit: if we have disturbances, we have a civil war, all of us will be involved; none might escape its consequences. Any life which may be lost, any property destroyed might be yours, or might be mine. Nothing should, therefore, stop us from working as a unit, for our preservation; for safety of property and the welfare of this dear land," Akena Adoko quotes Kakonge on page 53 of his book, The Uganda Crisis.
Do you think at all?
Kakonge called for dialogue to address the issues at hand. He posed reflective questions to the House: "Must we wash dirty linen publicly and outrageously? Must we shout all our sins from roof-top to roof-top? Can't we sit round a table and discuss things responsibly? Do you members think at all? Do you think before you speak? Can you weigh the great damage that has been done to this land by your thoughtless utterances of corruption and a coup by our prime minister? Do you know the motivation for Ocheng's accusations against our premier? We will have no unity when we do not show respect due to …our national leaders."
Pyrrhic victory
To Kakonge, Ocheng himself did not believe in his own allegations that he wanted to convince parliament to believe. He warned those who saw victory in Ocheng's motion that it was victory with no winner. "Some of us cannot see it, they take it as victory. True it is a victory, but a pyrrhic victory: for one more such victory and Uganda will be lost. It's a pyrrhic victory which teaches us one lesson: we swim or sink together. Mr speaker, I do beg to oppose the whole motion," Kakonge summed up his submission.
With Kakonge the only dissenting voice, parliament passed the motion suspending Amin and directing an inquiry into his bank account. The following day, on February 5, Defence minister Felix Onama sent Amin on a short leave, not on suspension. But things moved very fast. 
Phares Mutibwa, in his 1992 book, Uganda since Independence: a story of unfulfilled hopes, says Ibingira, with backing from Sir Edward Mutesa, was pushing for the control of the ruling party, and later, the government.

On page 38, Mutibwa captures it thus: "The political dispute between Obote and Ibingira and his supporters centered around the control of UPC and ultimately the very leadership of the country in terms of the political and economic ideologies that were to be followed."

While Obote preached socialism and rallied his government to "move to the left", Ibingira was a capitalist. With neither harmony in the ruling party, nor in government, Obote returned from his long tour of northern Uganda, on February 12, to take charge.

In his 1968 article, Obote says the situation compelled him to take what he called drastic actions. On February 22, 1966, some 18 days after the Ocheng motion in parliament, five cabinet ministers were arrested during a cabinet meeting. The five included Grace Ibingira, Dr Emmanuel Lumu, Balaki Kirya, Mathias Ngobi and George Magezi.
Akena Adoko, who at the time headed the General Service Unit, a Uganda government internal and external security agency, quotes Ibingira after his arrest: "Fate is a double-crosser. I was the very person who saved from being repealed, the deportation ordinance."

Opposition legislators had introduced a motion, in late 1965, seeking to repeal a colonial era law that gave government powers to detain suspects without trial. Ibingira convinced parliament not to repeal it.
Two days after the arrests, the 1962 Constitution had been put aside, replaced with an interim one that dismissed Sir Edward Mutesa as President of Uganda and Sir Wilberforce Nadiope as vice president. The same Constitution made Obote executive president. Obote addressed the press thus: "Recently, attempts were made to remove my government by the use of foreign troops…To safeguard our sovereignty, we must take counter measures: suspending the Constitution, and hence posts of president and that of vice president."
By the end of May 1966, Sir Edward Mutesa was in exile, his palace lying in ruin after a military raid under the command of Amin, who had by now been elevated to head the army. Mutesa would die three years on November 21, 1969, two days after celebrating his 45th birthday. From then on, Uganda's political problems would be solved by military means.

Brigadier Opolot was already serving time in Luzira prison, only to be released in January 1971, by Amin. Ocheng, the man whose motion started it all, died suddenly on June 1, 1966, aged 41 years. In his 2018 autobiography, Dr Martin Aliker, a veteran dentist, politician and businessman explained that Ocheng was diagnosed with cancer of the stomach shortly before he died.

Ocheng was Aliker's elder brother. His death came just eight days after the attack on, and exiling of, Sir Edward Mutesa, his closest friend and 99 days after the February 4 motion. He may not have lived for 100 years as he wished, but 53 years after the motion, its effects are still visible.
Meanwhile more promotions would come Amin's way, to Brigadier by 1969 and to Major-General by January 1971 when, using the army, he turned against Obote and overthrew him. 
A young man named Yoweri Museveni watched these developments keenly as a secondary school student in Mbarara district. He would write later, in his book "Sowing the Mustard Seed", that he and fellow students began asking themselves questions about the future of Uganda. After graduating from university in Tanzania in 1970, he secured a job in President Obote's office just months before Amin's coup.

Obote had lost power through the only means he thought he had total control over - the military. The young Museveni was, meanwhile, thinking about fighting the new president.

"Amin took power on January 25, 1971 and two days later, on January 27, I had left the country to go and prepare to fight him," Museveni told a conference of judges last week, 48 years after Amin's coup and 33 years after Museveni's own military take-over of government.
By the end of 1978, Ugandans living in exile had forced their way back with the military support of Tanzania. General Idi Amin would be pushed out of power in April 1979.
The rigged elections in December 1980 that forced Museveni to pick up arms on February 6, 1981 were meant to restore order and dialogue after the brutal years of Amin's rule.

Whenever dialogue has failed to address political questions of the day, there's been recourse to the gun, from 1966 to 1971, 1979, and 1981 and beyond. President Museveni has been a student of, and then a participant in, this cycle of violence; the reason he said emphasised the UPDF capacity to defeat "whoever thinks of destabilising Uganda" on February 6, 2019.

 How Daudi Ocheng gave birth to Tarehe Sita


Is this article saying that those who kill lots of Ugandan citizens together with their supporters and win the war in the killing fields take this country as their own African Independent State? Because surely before the birth of this country, there were state guns in the British Colonial Protectorate of Uganda.






President Museveni's Central government of Uganda, has just remembered to pay back  Buganda Assets of Shs 47bn:

February 6, 2019

Written by URN

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi hosted President Museveni in Banda


Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi hosted President Museveni in Banda


President Museveni has directed ministry of Finance to provide Shs 47 billion in the next two financial years to compensate Buganda kingdom for Kigo prison land, the land hosting King Fahad Plaza and Muteesa House in London.
According to Kabaka Ronald Mutebi's press secretary Sam Dick Kasolo, Museveni directed Finance to allocate Shs 23.5bn in FY 2019/20 budget and a similar amount in FY 2020/21 budget as compensation for Muteesa House (valued at Shs 30 billion) and King Fahad land (valued at Shs 14.1 billion). 
Kasolo's statement follows a "cordial meeting" between Museveni and Mutebi at his private palace in Banda, a Kampala suburb. According to the statement, the duo agreed that all pending issues involving kingdom property, land and financial arrears be resolved soonest.
The same statement also indicates that Museveni has directed Finance to pay with immediate effect Shs 3 billion as rent for the kingdom land in Kigo.
Speaking to journalists on Tuesday, the katikkiro (premier) Charles Peter Mayiga noted that although the meeting between the Kabaka and the president was behind closed doors, they held another meeting involving delegations from the two sides.
The president's delegation included the attorney general William Byaruhanga and State Minister for Investment Evelyn Anite. The Kabaka's delegation included Prince David Wasajja, Mayiga, ambassador Emmanuel Ssendaula, ambassador Bill Matovu and Joyce Mpanga. Mayiga says the meeting discussed various issues including kingdom assets alias "Ebyaffe".
Mayiga also said the president ordered the Lands ministry to expedite the process and transfer all the certificate of titles of returned kingdom assets. Early last year, Museveni held another meeting with a delegation led by the kingdom's premier where he pledged government's commitment to compensate the kingdom.
Other kingdoms like Tooro and Bunyoro have also held several talks with the president to return their assets, which were confiscated by government during the 1966 crisis when the then Prime Minister Milton Obote abolished kingdoms.


Last week, Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru Rukidi IV, the Tooro King  flanked by the Queen Mother Best Kemigisa and members of the kingdom's negotiating team led by the prime minister met Museveni at State House Nakasero over the return of the kingdom's assets. 


So how come and why does this Autonomous region of Buganda want to continue to participate in dancing the Rumba dance with this lame duck government at all? That is why when most Ganda people wake up some days and watch many Central Goverments of Uganda attacking anyhow the Ganda King's palaces and threatening the residents there in, from time immemorial.


It seems that the Ganda leadership does live on Cocoon Land on the planet Mars or Venus. No wonder the problems of the country of Uganda gravitate more in this region of the Kingdom of Buganda. That is why one writes that it is good to host visitors. But why take up arms to chase away those who come to visit this country?






The Ganda Traditionalist is coming out, angry and complaining, over much apathy in the State of Buganda:


Ssekabaka Kintu was never the first King of Buganda. There are active memories of King Bemba Musota before Kintu immigrated into the State of Buganda(The Thingy). And in order to acquire immigration status after slaughtering King Bemba Musota, King Kintu married an African traditional Ganda woman called Nambi to successfully make an African Ganda royal family:


By Multi Media


24 January, 2019

The African Ganda traditionalist Mr Ssekide of Ggwanga Mujje in the State of Buganda:






A Member of the British Parliament is trying to bring out a debate why better democracy in Uganda is failing and civil war and dictatorship continue to thrive in this African country:

United Kingdom House of Commons debate on Uganda live stream link:


Dear all,

The House of Commons will be debating matters of democracy in Uganda on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019.

This historic debate is an important milestone for many peace loving Ugandans.

You can watch the live debate on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019 from 4:30-5:30 UK time

(7:30-8:30 Uganda time) through this live stream link.

Please share this link widely with your contacts.

The Englishman Dr Paul Williams

Mr Robert Kyagulanyi (left) and current President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni (right).

The elites of the Uganda Army so determined to keep a military-civilian dictotorship in power.

Dr Kizza Besigye of the famous Uganda Opposition that was the medical surgeon of President Museveni for some time.

There is so much misery of African politics that has taken root in this country that allows tyranny to prosper now 57 years since the British left this country.

7th January, 2019

By Frederic Musisi



The Commons website has indicated ‘Democracy in Uganda’ as one of the key issues for debate in the House of Commons tomorrow at 1630 British time. The debate will be streamed live via
“We will be debating democracy in Uganda. I will be leading the debate and the minister for Africa will be responding,” UK Member of Parliament for Stockton South Paul Williams told Daily Monitor in a telephone interview from UK last Friday.

Below is the full interview;

Why and what is your interest exactly in Uganda?

I have a lot of interest in Uganda: I think it is a fantastic country, with fantastic people. I spent a lot of my time living and working in Uganda, and my intention is to try to help the people of Uganda: To give them a voice. I very much see my intervention as an intervention of an equal friend. I’m not in any way trying to reignite the imperialistic relationship—that is something of the past. I’m talking about the present and future relationship, which I think should be a partnership of equals.

You raised the same debate last year in August while President Museveni was in London for Chogm. What makes you or anyone else in the Western world qualified to delve into Ugandan politics?

I think we all have the right to be interested in other countries: we live in a global world... The international sphere is one in which partners hold each other to a certain set of international standards. Some international standards have not been particularly met in relation to some aspect of democracy in Uganda, in relation to things that concern many activists like the detention and torture of MPs Robert Kyagulanyi and Betty Nambooze, and other individuals who have not been subjected to due criminal processes but rather to the military is something that is concerning to everyone.


Don’t you think that your actions could be interpreted as nosing in Uganda’s sovereignty?

No. I think as a friend to Uganda, I have a legitimate interest in ensuring: first that there is good governance in a partner country, but also—I’m not a lone voice here—there are many Ugandans who share my concerns, and some have asked me to give a global voice to their concerns. And please don’t misinterpret me here: I don’t want Britain to have any role in telling Uganda what to do, but I do want Ugandans to be able to prosper within their own democracy, and the interference is mainly coming from the military that is undermining the thriving of democracy.

Last year in August when you called President Museveni a barrier to Uganda’s development, some government functionaries here exuded a colonial mentality—the thinking that you can determine what goes on in Africa. Don’t you think?

I completely reject that. I respect and totally believe in your Constitution that Uganda is a sovereign country. The problem is [that] the President [Museveni] keeps changing the Constitution in order to protect himself, and in order to protect the system of patronage that he has designed; it is an internal problem and the solutions ought to be internal, and all I’m doing is shining a light on that. This has nothing to do with colonial times, it is about what Uganda is and what it will in the future; I’m sure all Ugandans see that.

You just touched on the aspect of internal problems addressed by solutions, and I’m sure you’ve seen the African Union has been pushing for African solutions for African problems; you saw how ECOWAS handled Yahaya Jammeh’s exit in Gambia in West Africa, and most recently how SADC negotiated Robert Mugabe’s removal. Shouldn’t you be backing such processes to push African strongmen like Museveni out of power?

Yes, that is a role for the African Union but there is also a role of strong institutions within Uganda, particularly the Electoral Commission. There is also need to educate Ugandans, particularly people in more rural areas, about their democratic rights. There is no direct role of the British parliament here, but as partners, we will continue shining light on issue as we see them.

There is sufficient research to show that colonialism laid foundation to some of Africa’s gravest problems today; Britain like other colonial masters designed to leave behind systems they thought would continue to serve them even 50 years later. How do you then reconcile that with the fact of you shining light on the problems created by your country?

Well, there are plenty of examples in Africa where there has been peaceful transfer of power and where colonial institutions have evolved, and they have evolved in a way that systems protect minorities, and serve democratic dispensation. I don’t agree that systems designed in colonial times should remain, not at all but the fact that there is a system of protecting power in the hands of one man, his family and clan—a small group of people, and [it] is affecting a larger group is detestable. I have said before publicly that President Museveni is a barrier to development: institutions should be much bigger than individuals: my critique of Uganda is that one individual has made himself important than all institutions.

But Britain, like other colonial masters, has been involved in some of those transfer of powers you are alluding to. In Uganda, it is no secret that London supported Obote’s ouster by Amin and later his removal, and subsequently Museveni ascent. Don’t you think that has set a bad pattern in African politics?

Well, those mistakes were made in the past and I’m not suggesting that Britain should be influencing a transfer of power. All I’m saying is that Ugandans should own the transfer of power, and am giving a voice. I actually believe there are many good things President Museveni has done during his time in office, but in the last 10 to 15 years, there have been an erosion of democratic processes and institutions, and for Ugandans to see a democratic transfer of power, there has to be certain things such as strengthening of institutions like a totally independent Electoral Commission, free and fair elections without violence or intimidation, and also—this is something I will raise tomorrow—a strong opposition that can provide alternatives in governance.

President Museveni has previously scoffed at the Opposition as not having a vision which is why he keeps winning, and or promised to wipe them out: just last month while meeting select Opposition party chiefs, he said the Opposition will wipe itself out of politics for making strategic mistakes. Do you believe that?

I think it is very hard for the Opposition to effectively exist in Uganda. How many times has Dr Kizza Besigye been interrupted and how many times has been imprisoned? Museveni’s tactic with Besigye has been to totally disrupt his life, and the same is being transferred to Robert Kyagulanyi. A good confident leader should not be afraid of the Opposition: it is not unpatriotic for any Ugandan to want different government; people can love Uganda and not want Museveni and his government, and a good leader should encourage people to have a different perspective and allow that to grow.

You seem passionate about the matter but when you engage fellow British MPs or even officials at Downing Street 10, what sense do you get because it is no secret that President Museveni and other African strongmen are liked by western governments and can afford to close one eye: for example you know how we have had our army fighting proxy wars all over the place under guise of Pan Africanism?
That may have been true in the past, but I think there is increasing concern. Fifteen years ago, the British government was a huge supporter of President Museveni but there has been a gradual decline when it became apparent that it [support] stopped being about Uganda but Museveni. What Britain wants is a prosperous Uganda.

There’s a view point here that your fervent and sudden interest in Ugandan politics is about MP Robert Kyagulanyi’s ascent and that some external actors are pushing him in the highest political succession line. Is it?
Well, I have been impressed by Robert Kyagulanyi: he understands the problems of Uganda and is likewise concerned about its future. As a political leader, he has a lot to learn about governance and leadership but he understands; he understands poverty, he knows how to rhyme with the masses and how to keep in touch with the people. It is not really about Bobi Wine alone, and I have not anywhere used the word political transition.

This is about strong institutions, and Ugandans being able to change their governments peacefully without being threatened or coerced, which has never been the case because of the corrupted institutions, the rigged elections and the military which stands out above all other institutions.


Buganda State Self-determination Proclamation:
The State of Buganda indeed wishes to depart from the constitutional recommendation as put forward after its independence of 8th October, 1962 from the British Protectorate State of Uganda.
The State of Buganda aspires to exist in Autonomous State beside the country of Uganda.



If the Buganda Self Determination Proclamation has been understood by the United Kingdom and the International Community, the state of Buganda requests the troops of Britain to come in between the State of Buganda and the State of Uganda so that there is no unnecessary continous loss of life and African tribal vengeance(genocide) in this country.