BAZUUKULU BA BUGANDA RADIO INTERNET.COM 88.8/89.2

A Member of the British Parliament is trying to bring out a debate why better democracy in Uganda is failing and civil war and dictatorship continue to thrive in this African country:

United Kingdom House of Commons debate on Uganda live stream link:

 

Dear all,


The House of Commons will be debating matters of democracy in Uganda on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019.

This historic debate is an important milestone for many peace loving Ugandans.


You can watch the live debate on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019 from 4:30-5:30 UK time

(7:30-8:30 Uganda time) through this live stream link.https://www.parliamentlive.tv/Event/Index/edad7192-19f3-4484-a385-61b6f03fe969


Please share this link widely with your contacts.

The Englishman Dr Paul Williams

Mr Robert Kyagulanyi (left) and current President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni (right).

The elites of the Uganda Army so determined to keep a military-civilian dictotorship in power.

Dr Kizza Besigye of the famous Uganda Opposition that was the medical surgeon of President Museveni for some time.

There is so much misery of African politics that has taken root in this country that allows tyranny to prosper now 57 years since the British left this country.

7th January, 2019

By Frederic Musisi

 

 

The Commons website has indicated ‘Democracy in Uganda’ as one of the key issues for debate in the House of Commons tomorrow at 1630 British time. The debate will be streamed live via https://www.parliamentlive.tv/Event/Index/edad7192-19f3-4484-a385-61b6f03fe969
“We will be debating democracy in Uganda. I will be leading the debate and the minister for Africa will be responding,” UK Member of Parliament for Stockton South Paul Williams told Daily Monitor in a telephone interview from UK last Friday.

Below is the full interview;

Why and what is your interest exactly in Uganda?

I have a lot of interest in Uganda: I think it is a fantastic country, with fantastic people. I spent a lot of my time living and working in Uganda, and my intention is to try to help the people of Uganda: To give them a voice. I very much see my intervention as an intervention of an equal friend. I’m not in any way trying to reignite the imperialistic relationship—that is something of the past. I’m talking about the present and future relationship, which I think should be a partnership of equals.

You raised the same debate last year in August while President Museveni was in London for Chogm. What makes you or anyone else in the Western world qualified to delve into Ugandan politics?

I think we all have the right to be interested in other countries: we live in a global world... The international sphere is one in which partners hold each other to a certain set of international standards. Some international standards have not been particularly met in relation to some aspect of democracy in Uganda, in relation to things that concern many activists like the detention and torture of MPs Robert Kyagulanyi and Betty Nambooze, and other individuals who have not been subjected to due criminal processes but rather to the military is something that is concerning to everyone.

 

Don’t you think that your actions could be interpreted as nosing in Uganda’s sovereignty?

No. I think as a friend to Uganda, I have a legitimate interest in ensuring: first that there is good governance in a partner country, but also—I’m not a lone voice here—there are many Ugandans who share my concerns, and some have asked me to give a global voice to their concerns. And please don’t misinterpret me here: I don’t want Britain to have any role in telling Uganda what to do, but I do want Ugandans to be able to prosper within their own democracy, and the interference is mainly coming from the military that is undermining the thriving of democracy.

Last year in August when you called President Museveni a barrier to Uganda’s development, some government functionaries here exuded a colonial mentality—the thinking that you can determine what goes on in Africa. Don’t you think?

I completely reject that. I respect and totally believe in your Constitution that Uganda is a sovereign country. The problem is [that] the President [Museveni] keeps changing the Constitution in order to protect himself, and in order to protect the system of patronage that he has designed; it is an internal problem and the solutions ought to be internal, and all I’m doing is shining a light on that. This has nothing to do with colonial times, it is about what Uganda is and what it will in the future; I’m sure all Ugandans see that.

You just touched on the aspect of internal problems addressed by solutions, and I’m sure you’ve seen the African Union has been pushing for African solutions for African problems; you saw how ECOWAS handled Yahaya Jammeh’s exit in Gambia in West Africa, and most recently how SADC negotiated Robert Mugabe’s removal. Shouldn’t you be backing such processes to push African strongmen like Museveni out of power?

Yes, that is a role for the African Union but there is also a role of strong institutions within Uganda, particularly the Electoral Commission. There is also need to educate Ugandans, particularly people in more rural areas, about their democratic rights. There is no direct role of the British parliament here, but as partners, we will continue shining light on issue as we see them.

There is sufficient research to show that colonialism laid foundation to some of Africa’s gravest problems today; Britain like other colonial masters designed to leave behind systems they thought would continue to serve them even 50 years later. How do you then reconcile that with the fact of you shining light on the problems created by your country?

Well, there are plenty of examples in Africa where there has been peaceful transfer of power and where colonial institutions have evolved, and they have evolved in a way that systems protect minorities, and serve democratic dispensation. I don’t agree that systems designed in colonial times should remain, not at all but the fact that there is a system of protecting power in the hands of one man, his family and clan—a small group of people, and [it] is affecting a larger group is detestable. I have said before publicly that President Museveni is a barrier to development: institutions should be much bigger than individuals: my critique of Uganda is that one individual has made himself important than all institutions.

But Britain, like other colonial masters, has been involved in some of those transfer of powers you are alluding to. In Uganda, it is no secret that London supported Obote’s ouster by Amin and later his removal, and subsequently Museveni ascent. Don’t you think that has set a bad pattern in African politics?

Well, those mistakes were made in the past and I’m not suggesting that Britain should be influencing a transfer of power. All I’m saying is that Ugandans should own the transfer of power, and am giving a voice. I actually believe there are many good things President Museveni has done during his time in office, but in the last 10 to 15 years, there have been an erosion of democratic processes and institutions, and for Ugandans to see a democratic transfer of power, there has to be certain things such as strengthening of institutions like a totally independent Electoral Commission, free and fair elections without violence or intimidation, and also—this is something I will raise tomorrow—a strong opposition that can provide alternatives in governance.

President Museveni has previously scoffed at the Opposition as not having a vision which is why he keeps winning, and or promised to wipe them out: just last month while meeting select Opposition party chiefs, he said the Opposition will wipe itself out of politics for making strategic mistakes. Do you believe that?

I think it is very hard for the Opposition to effectively exist in Uganda. How many times has Dr Kizza Besigye been interrupted and how many times has been imprisoned? Museveni’s tactic with Besigye has been to totally disrupt his life, and the same is being transferred to Robert Kyagulanyi. A good confident leader should not be afraid of the Opposition: it is not unpatriotic for any Ugandan to want different government; people can love Uganda and not want Museveni and his government, and a good leader should encourage people to have a different perspective and allow that to grow.

You seem passionate about the matter but when you engage fellow British MPs or even officials at Downing Street 10, what sense do you get because it is no secret that President Museveni and other African strongmen are liked by western governments and can afford to close one eye: for example you know how we have had our army fighting proxy wars all over the place under guise of Pan Africanism?
That may have been true in the past, but I think there is increasing concern. Fifteen years ago, the British government was a huge supporter of President Museveni but there has been a gradual decline when it became apparent that it [support] stopped being about Uganda but Museveni. What Britain wants is a prosperous Uganda.

There’s a view point here that your fervent and sudden interest in Ugandan politics is about MP Robert Kyagulanyi’s ascent and that some external actors are pushing him in the highest political succession line. Is it?
Well, I have been impressed by Robert Kyagulanyi: he understands the problems of Uganda and is likewise concerned about its future. As a political leader, he has a lot to learn about governance and leadership but he understands; he understands poverty, he knows how to rhyme with the masses and how to keep in touch with the people. It is not really about Bobi Wine alone, and I have not anywhere used the word political transition.

This is about strong institutions, and Ugandans being able to change their governments peacefully without being threatened or coerced, which has never been the case because of the corrupted institutions, the rigged elections and the military which stands out above all other institutions.

Nb

Buganda State Self-determination Proclamation:
The State of Buganda indeed wishes to depart from the constitutional recommendation as put forward after its independence of 8th October, 1962 from the British Protectorate State of Uganda.
The State of Buganda aspires to exist in Autonomous State beside the country of Uganda.

 

 

If the Buganda Self Determination Proclamation has been understood by the United Kingdom and the International Community, the state of Buganda requests the troops of Britain to come in between the State of Buganda and the State of Uganda so that there is no unnecessary continous loss of life and African tribal vengeance(genocide) in this country.

 

 

 

 

 

Abataka ba Buganda banyiivu olw'abazzukulu abamu okubanafuya mubiseera bino ebya Bobi Wine, nga yenyigidde wamu nebanne bangi nyo ddala, okujjako Presidenti Museveni:

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Added 4th January 2019

 

ABATAKA abakulu b’ebika balabudde abakungu b’e Mmengo okwewala omululu gw’okumamira buli kintu saako okwefuula bakyetwala nga kino bwe kitaakome kya kwongera okunafuya Obwakabaka.

 

Batakakwaffe3 703x422

David Kyewalabye Male akulira Buganda Land Board ye yakulemberamu abaasoma ebitundu ebyenjawulo

 

 

Waliwo okusabira Kabaka n'abakungu abalala abenjawulo wabula Abataka abakulu b'ebika bagamba nti bo tebaasabirwa ng'ate be batambulizibwako ennono y'Obwakabaka.

 

Bano okuva mu mbeera kiddiridde okwetegereza emikolo egy’enjawulo nga ‘tebalabibwawo’ ng’enjogera y’ennaku zino bweri nekituuka nga bbo ng’abazzukkulu baabwe abali e Mmengo be beeyimusa.

 

Omukolo ogwasinze okuvaako kalunsambulira gwabaddeyo ku Lwokutaano December 28, 2018, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga bwe yayanjudde saako n’okwaniriza ebiti by’abantu n’ebitongole by’Obwakabaka n'atateekamu Bataka, ne beebuza nti ku mpagi ezikola Obwakabaka, tebakyalimu!

“ Abazzukkulu ababadde bakung'aanye balina ebika mwebava era balina bajjajjabwe bebandisanye okumanya nga bwe bamanyiza ab’ebitongole omuli n’aba Buganda Twezimbe. Twebuza lwaki ku mukolo nga guno Abataka tobalaga bazzukkulu baabwe. Bwotakikola, obeera olina ekigendererwa ky’okunafuya ebika,” Omu ku Bataka bweyategezezza Olupapula luno.

 

Omulala yagambye nti “ Ssabasajja Kabaka yaakamala okutulabula ku mululu. Kino tekikwata ku bannabyabufuzi bokka naye n’abaffe e Mmengo abayingiramu omuzimu gw’okwagala okumaamira buli kimu ne beefuula bakyetwala ng’abatalina bajjajjaabwe mwe bava. Omuze guno tukimanyi gwaleetebwa Bazungu wano naye twagala gukome mu 2018.”

Ku mukolo guno olukiiko lw’abataka olukulembeze lwabaddewo nga lukulembeddwamu Omukubiriza waalwo Kayiira Gajuule Fredrick Kasibante, Omutaka Kasirye Kyadondo nga ye muwandiisi n’abalala wabula olw’embeera gye bazze balaba ng’ekula, bawaliriziddwa okuva ku mukolo guno nga bukyali ne beewala ebinaddirira.

Abaategeka omukolo gw’ennyimba z’amazaalibwa ga Yesu nga December 21, 2018 nabo baamala ebyewungula ku Bataka bwe baategeka amasomo ag’enjawulo okwali okusabira Kabaka ne gavumenti ye, ebitongole, Abalangira n’abambejja era ne beerabira okusabira Abataka.

“Bazzukulu baffe bano bakyalemeddwa okumanya nti ffe abalung'amya n’okukuuma ennono mwe ebeyagalira era ebateeka mu bitiibwa. Abataka nabo basanye okusabirwa kubanga balina okusomoozebwa kunene nga beetaaga okuyambibwa mu ngeri yonna okutuukiriza obuvunaanyizibwa bw’okukumakuma abazzukulu,” Omutaka omulala bwe yagambye.

Minisita w’amawulire, abagenyi era omwogezi w’Obwakabaka, Noah Kiyimba yategeezezza Bukedde nti ensonga eno agenda kugigoberera okulaba ng’etereezebwa.

Nb

Ate Abataka babadeki? Ssemateeka wa Uganda agamba nti obuyinza mu Uganda buli eri abantu abamawanga 15 agaatula Nabazunga negakola endagano nensi zonna mu UN zonna nezitegeera. Ensi eyakolebwa Uganda, abataka ba Buganda abebika 48 nabo mwebatudde nobuyinza obwo!

 

 

 

 

 

Amakulu ga Kulisimaasi mu byafaayo:

Nkubiraako nkufumbire Kulisimaasi:

 

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 18th December 2018

 

Oyagala omusajja afaanana atya? Njagala musajja waakulya naye Kulisimaansi oluvanyuma tukole obufumbo, alina okuba ng'alina amaka, eddiini, empisa, ssente ezisobola okutubeezaawo, atya Katonda ng’ali wakati w’emyaka 35 ne 40.

 

Uka 703x422

 

Amannya ggwe ani?

Nze Faimah Nansubuga

 

Weddira ki?

Neddira Mmamba.

 

Olina emyaka emeka?

Nnina 24

 

Olina abaana bameka?

Nnina omu.

 

Ozaalibwa wa?

Mbale.

 

Oyagala omusajja afaanana atya?

Njagala musajja waakulya naye Kulisimaansi oluvanyuma tukole obufumbo, alina okuba ng'alina amaka, eddiini, empisa, ssente ezisobola okutubeezaawo, atya Katonda ng’ali wakati w’emyaka 35 ne 40.

 

Akusuubiremu ki?

Mutegekedde ettu lya laavu.

 

Bakufunye batya?

Bakube ku 0758691521.

Nb

Nyabo Faimah Nansubuga, olabika aba Bukedde bakubuzabuza nti Kulisimaasi yakusanyuka nga bwoyagala. Kasita nawe oli muzadde olina omwaana omu.

 

Olunnaku luno lwali lwabiwoobe ebiyitirivu olutegombesa muntu yenna.

Kerode ayagala enyo okufuga.

 

Bweyalaba nga abasajja Abagezigezi (mbu baali bava China oba Iran nga bagoberera emunyenye etambula mubire) tebakomyewo okumubulira wa omwaana gyazaliddwa, naye mbu agende amusinze, nalagira Military Police ye egende mubuli nyumba yonna nga etemako omutwe buli baby yenna ali mumaka. Ye Maria mukazi watu nadduka emisinde ne musajja we gweyali alya obulamu naye ne baby wabwe, nebekukuma mukutya okunene enyo! Lunnaku lwa Kitalo nyo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Buganda Kingdom history of flags:

The current flag of the Buganda kingdom comprises three equal vertical stripes of blue, white and blue, with the kingdom's logo placed in the centre of the flag on the white stripe:

 
 
 
 

1960-2018

 

 
 
 
 

The first known flag of RED during the history of Buganda 1861-1881

 

 
 
 
 

The next one is white and red during 1881-1889

 

 
 
 
 

The next one is white dark brown dark brown white and grey as outlined above. During 15 July 1891- 30 March 1892

 

 
 
 
 

This one is all dark brown with a logo in the middle during 1892.

 

 
 
 
 

The Buganda Royal Standard as the 19 Century approached.

 

 

 

 

 

In the African country of Uganda, Presidential sympathetic visits cannot end the ongoing land evictions:

7 November, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda 

“Lusanja eviction victims left in the cold as they await fate” was the New Vision headline for a report about hundreds of people that were recently violently evicted from land in Lusanja village in Wakiso/Kampala.

Mr Medard Kiconco, the proprietor of Lexman Industries, is the beneficiary of this eviction. He bought the land and processed a court order to have people on it evicted. The president, Gen Yoweri Museveni, visited the victims and ordered them back on the land.

Because their homes had been demolished, they are now sleeping in tents from the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which are meant for natural disasters and are deposited with Office of the Prime Minister.

 

Almost within a space of days, Gen. Museveni was visiting another group of 200 people violently removed from a piece of land they were occupying at Kirangira village in Mukono. He again ordered the Office of the Prime Minister to give them beans and maize flour.

Dr Kizza Besigye also led a delegation of FDC and opposition leaders, including the Kampala city lord mayor to Lusanja to commiserate with the victims. Besigye and his team even offered them legal representation to defend their interest in this land in court.

Besigye and his team squeezed themselves into these short UNHCR tents when the Almighty opened the sky for a lunchtime downpour. This gave them the practical experience of what these people are going through. Mr Museveni asked Justice Catherine Bamugemereire, who heads a probe into land management, to investigate the Lusanja case and produce a report.

As all this is happening, the victims and their children are undergoing probably their worst experience. Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago posted on his social media platforms photos of two children who covered their heads with buveera when it started raining.

This is the life they will lead until their matter is sorted. In these two cases, police offered protection to court bailiffs who did the actual destruction of people’s homes. Police spokesperson Emilian Kayima explained that they were enforcing a court order.

I think these fresh evictions should help us to reignite the debate of our beleaguered land relations in Uganda. And this time we should suggest possible solutions. One of the things that struck me is that the president never moved with any of his lands ministers to Lusanja and I think Mukono. Yet these are the individuals with statutory authority to offer guidance.

Instead, he moved with Bamugemereire, who holds a temporary mandate, typical of firefighting style. On Monday morning, I rang the minister of Lands, Betty Amongi Akena, to inquire whether the Land Fund created by the 1998 Land Act is no solution enough.

In compliance with Article 237 of the Constitution, Parliament enacted the controversial Land Act 1998. It was amended in 2010 to include some more troubling provisions. And recently Museveni presented another bill to parliament, this time to change the constitution so that government can take possession of land for its projects before compensation.

The Land Fund, a creation of the 1998 Land Act, became operational in 2002. The process is that if you have land that is occupied, especially in Tooro, Buganda and Bunyoro, you walk into Uganda Land Commission, fill a form and ask government to buy your interest.

This is intended, according to Mr Museveni, to address historical injustices. The cumulative figure of those now willing to sell their occupied land to government is now Shs 1.7 trillion.

The Lands ministry requested for Shs 250 billion this financial year to help it clear this huge figure slowly but was given only Shs 24 billion. It reported to parliament that it will have a shortfall of Shs 200 billion. The most painful thing is that in the same budget, the president has allocated himself Shs 97 billion for donations.

This money he goes around throwing at people. Do you remember that he threw over Shs 10 billion to the people of Rukungiri so they don’t vote FDC in a by-election? This is the money that we need to begin purchasing land from landowners and then issue soft loans to the helpless people that occupy it.

It is the Land Fund that should visit Lusanja, and not the president because it has potential to offer practical solutions. Double ownership of land is real and has been fueled by poverty, population growth and the breakdown of the state. It needs structured solutions, and not presidential visits. Presidential visits can only offer a short-time relief, but not permanent solutions.

semugs@yahoo.com

The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.

Nb

Indeed Uganda Presidential visits are not going to solve the land problems especially for the State of Buganda. Buganda came to an international historic agreement around 1900 to have its territory annexed by its citizens in equal measure by the Ganda citizenship of Christianity, Traditionalists, and Muslims.

 

 

 

 

 

Mukulu Jjunju Kamulali akulira Bazzukulu babuganda wano e Buganda  anyumyamu n'Abaganda:

 

30 September, 2018

 

By Mult Media

Olukiiko lwa Bazzukulu babuganda nga lutudde mu mpya zensi Buganda

 

 

Mr Jjunju Kamulali nga atudde wano e Buganda:

 

Ebbaluwa eno ediddwamu ku website eno:

 

EBBALUWA EGENDA EWA QUEEN WA BUNGEREZA NGA ABAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA BEMULUGUNYA:

 

The Queen is Head of State of the UK and 15 other Commonwealth realms. The elder daughter of King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, she was born in 1926 and became Queen at the age of 25, and has reigned through more than five decades of enormous social change and development. The Queen is married to Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh and has four children and eight grandchildren.

 

 

9th October 2014

 

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN

BUCKINGHAM PALACE

LONDON SW1A 1AA

UNITED KINGDOM.

 

 

Your Majesty,

 

OPPRESSION OF BUGANDA KINGDOM BY A BRITISH-MADE UGANDA

 

We hereby remind you of Buganda’s historical ties with the United Kingdom referred to as Great Britain. In the nineteenth century, your grandparents came to Buganda Kingdom and were received by our grandparents with love and modesty. Kindness to strangers wasn’t a common commodity in the neighbouring cultures those days. The first British bore witness to Baganda’s decorum when they arrived in Kabaka Muteesa’s Palace at Lubaga.

            In addition to the humility and peace shown to the stranger British guests, our grandfathers allowed them freedom to interact with Baganda without holding back. We learnt your religion, language, and all the good ways in your cultures. Instead, the guests returned this kindness by haunting our Kabakas forcing Buganda Kingdom under British rule. The British tormented Kabaka Mwanga in the 1890s until Buganda Kingdom unwillingly became a British Protectorate. As Buganda came to terms with this forceful protection, their agony was amplified by the arrival of British emissaries with instructions to coloniseBuganda Kingdom. The games played on Kabaka Mwanga by these British agents were notable, when they even used petty chits to press Mwanga to submit to British occupation. For example, the chit Kabaka Mwanga wrote to Mr. Jackson a British merchant of the I.B.E.A.C requesting for military aid. Captain FD Lugard shamelessly presented that chit in the Lukiiko to prove that Kabaka Mwanga had committed Buganda as a British Protectorate.

            History recorded all the atrocities our grandparents suffered under British agents. The Baganda didn’t err to show kindness to these strangers, that’s what is expected of a civilised Muganda. But for the guests to turn oppressors is the interesting part. Such behaviour is expected from uncivilised people lacking integrity. This ill behaviour led to the invasion and capture of Kabaka Mwanga by British Major Ternan and Colonel Evert. Later, an active black conspirator Apolo Kaggwa was sent to Seychelles island prison to murder his Kabaka, he was thereafter awarded the honour of Sir.

            In 1898 the British succeeded Kabaka Mwanga with a one year old infant which was a violation of our norms, not to mention creating a culture of Regents. Babies don’t ascend the throne in Buganda and there are no regents in Baganda culture. By then Buganda Kingdom was totally under British occupationafter the death of Kabaka Mwanga. Buganda was faced with planned plunder by British agents and their African conspirators. The creation of the 1900 agreement yoke created false assumptions to the world that Baganda consented to this theft. Even the British government wouldn’t have enjoyed it if such a scandalous document were imposed on them. They confiscated the best parts of our land and called it crown land; the remainder was given to African conspirators who played a big role in the collapse of Buganda Kingdom. A majority of ordinary Baganda were left out, only to spare 9000 sq.miles in their name placed in custody of a thieving Uganda never to give it freely to the owners. Baganda were greatly disoriented by the new customs of land ownership odd and unfriendly. Britain was deliberately destroying Buganda Kingdom, and Baganda were helpless. It was impossible for Baganda to contest after witnessing British malicious torture and murder of their leaders in 1899, including Kabaka Mwanga.

            Even under these circumstances, when World War I started, Baganda warriors willingly fought on Britain’s side but still British cruelty on them didn’t subside.

 

       The Queen and Duke of Edinburgh, United Kingdom, at the Tower of London

               17/10/2014 to remember the war dead who fought on the side of Britain

                        to win the World War I and II (1912 and1945)

 

Instead the oppressors pressed Kabaka Daudi Ccwa to bless the 1900 agreement with his signature. He refused and that led to his death by suicide. The time Kabaka Edward Muteesa II ascended the throne Buganda was in disorder. The colonialist barred the Bataka from performing rituals on Kabaka Muteesa II and ordered them to stop at church. These are times when World War II broke out in mid 1940s. Proudly Baganda warriors again fought on Britain’s side and rescued them from shame. As reward, these Baganda World War heroes received nothing but empty promises of land which were never honoured; only to return home with pride of wearing boots and European costumes.

            After World War II, British governors annoyed Baganda when they openly despised Kiganda culture leading to “Batakabu” uprisings in late 1940s. Kabaka Edward Muteesa II reminded the British of how they’d come to Buganda as guests, so he was ready to bid them goodbye. He also urged them to cease all agreements they had with Buganda for they were void because as guests, it was not in order to dictate conditions to their hosts. The result was Kabaka Muteesa’s exile in 1953 by Governor Sir Andrew Cohen, to Britain. The Baganda declared independence in 1959, which forced the British to employ Rod Muster to stop Buganda’s autonomy.

            Following these historical facts, we Baganda don’t believe Britain has Buganda’s Kingdom interests at heart as a friend we amorously received. We can’t define the kind of people you are, to plan wickedness for people who loved and respected you, and fought your battles with dignity! Look at the 1962 independence, you created a mask called Uganda in which you hid to exact your goals on Buganda. The 1962 game was to impose a false nation Uganda on Baganda and forcibly plant it on Buganda land. It was a new yoke replacing the 1900 agreement.

            We’re the grandchildren of those Baganda whose goodness you besmirched. The purpose of this letter is to inform Her Majesty of our dissatisfactions and intention to open up a case against her government. The statement is that; the colonialBritish government imposed a devious Uganda government on Buganda’s land without consent of Baganda. To date the British government nourishes, supports and sponsors the existence of this Uganda empowering it with means to:

  •          keep Buganda Kingdom under occupation to prevent Baganda from freely exercising their tradition so the young are kept from learning their autonomy
  •          keep Baganda in abject poverty so they can’t compete financially to agitate for their natural human rights
  •          destroy ancient marks of Buganda Kingdom structures to break Baganda’s bondage with their culture. Also to populate Buganda with foreigners of strange cultures to suppress Kiganda norms. We’ve experienced torching of our shrines and cultural sites with UNESCO in the background
  •          disperse Baganda to foreign countries (exile) and replace them with foreigners to deny them their natural birthright on Buganda land

 

The British connivance with Uganda against Buganda is evident in the help they extend in light of atrocities the Ugandan government commit on her people. Regime change in Uganda is characterised by reckless murders of civilians by a sitting or coming ruler. Britain knows all this but she never condemns Uganda. She instead gives protection to ousted dictators then forwards a menu of instructions to a new one. Just recently the British government influenced and aided in the enactment of ridiculous bills offensive to our cultures. Once they even pledged a grant of £200m (two hundred million pounds) to Uganda upon passing a controversial land bill to facilitate squatters in Buganda to buy its land from the rightful Baganda landlords.

            The British government should cease shows of unconcern in matters of her Uganda creation. We pray that Britain is polite enough to pronounce Uganda’s illegal existence on Buganda land, and call upon Uganda government to stop its occupation of Buganda Kingdom. Below is evidence proving Uganda’s illegal existence in Buganda since its inception.

  1.     Buganda Kingdom wasn’t a colony but a British Protectorate. It was completely irrelevant to talk about “giving independence”. Buganda didn’t require freedom from the British, because they were here on strictly securityterms. Buganda had the freedom. Absurdly, the protector guarding our door turned master of our home and wickedly denied us the kindness we gave her. Only to look down on us as slaves not fit to govern ourselves, so Uganda was created to govern autonomous Buganda Kingdom that has existed since times immemorial.
  2.     In the 1962 transfer of power from colonial British government to newborn Uganda, it was inconsiderate of an experienced British government to rely on the reasoning of a few inexperienced individuals. In such a situation a rational mind is expected to opt for a general ballot. The public (individual Baganda) weren’t consulted to consent submission to Uganda’s rule. Britain and Uganda should’ve organised a referendum. That was possible then before the coming of vote-rigging mores, but there’s no evidence to that effect. It was a syndicate.
  3.     It was unfortunate of an experienced country as Britain to miss out a fact that Buganda was an established self-sufficient nation which couldn’t be governed by uncultured people. Buganda Kingdom has all credentials of a nation, well as Uganda has none. Institutions that qualify as nations must have people, a languagegeographical locationand a culture to guide them.
  4.     Britain behaved treacherously when she claimed to end all agreements with Buganda but then on the fateful day, she gambled creating a third party (Uganda) and instead ended agreements with that. This was broad daylight dishonesty to give Buganda’s authority to an abrupt creation. Buganda’s military power was transferred to this third party so Buganda was helpless to contest this abuse. It was quite shameful of Britain and Uganda to stage independence since they had no agreement to be ended between them.
  5.     Even if the project “Uganda creation” and its 1962 agreement were to be upheld as true and authentic, it was Uganda itself with Britain that conspired to destroy their own project agreement in 1966. Their plan was to create a precedent to extend their occupation scheme in Buganda Kingdom to continue plundering its resources. Upon the 1966 May, 24th incident, Britain and Uganda don’t have even a legitimate reason to present in defence that Uganda government has genuine mandate to function on Buganda soil or the dignity to govern Buganda Kingdom.

 

We, the Council of Grandchildren of Baganda Clan Elders, therefore seek Her Majesty’s audience to state our grievances in earnest. We want Her Majesty to relieve Buganda Kingdom of the burden her government imposed on us. Our fathers simplified this in 1966 when they held a Lukiiko and passed resolution that Uganda removes its unlawful government from Buganda soil within a period not exceeding fourteen (14) days, or else they “Buganda Kingdom” were to file a case against Uganda for illegal occupation and trespass on Buganda’s land.

Ever since then, Buganda Kingdom has undergone a chain of incessant wars and oppression of regimes planned and supported by Britain. Baganda have lived in fear and panic to date without ability to organise to put into force the case promised by those great Baganda elders back in 1966. We now have the ability and thus pray that the British government announces a public declaration that the government of Uganda is illegal unlawful and should cease its occupation on Buganda land.

 

Yours,

 ..............................................

Jjunju Kamulali

Council of the Grandchildren of Baganda Clan Elders (Chairman)

 

 

 

 

 

Ssaabalabirizi wa Uganda, Mr Ntagali awagidde eky'okuwa ssente aba Ghetto Slums eza Kampala:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 27th September 2018

 

SSAABALABIRIZI w’ekkanisa ya Uganda, Stanley Ntagali awagidde ekya Gavumenti okuwa abavubuka b’omu Ghetto ensimbi, nti kino kya kukyusa ku mbeera z’obulamu bwabwe.

 

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Ssaabalabirizi Ntagali

 

Ssaabalabirizi Ntagali yategeezezza nti abavubuka bangi mu ggwanga baasoma naye tebalina mirimu olw’okubulwa entandikwa ekireetedde abamu okwekyawa ne bakola ebintu ebitagasa.

Ono yagambye nti Gavumenti kye yakoze kirungi, kati abavubuka bagenda kuva mu bumenyi bw’amateeka omuli obubbi, obutemu n’ebirala basobole okwetandikirawo eky’okukola.

Okwogera bino, Ssaabalabirizi yabadde mu lukungaana lwa bannamawulire olwatuuziddwa ku kitebe ky’ekkanisa ya Uganda e Namirembe okwanjula enteekateeka ya UCU-Sunday egenda okubeerawo nga September 30, 2018 mu kkanisa za Uganda ez’enjawulo.

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Ono ye munaddini talina kubuuza wa jewajje sente olyooke oziweyo mu kkanisa ewa Tonda. Naye ate twandisubidde ffenna wano e Buganda nga abavubuka, nti webuuze oyo akuwa buli budde ensimbi azijja wa era akwagaza kiki okuzikuwa olubeerera nga ate tomukoledde mulimu gwonna gamba ogumuwa kunsimbi ezo? Wano mu Africa tuleke kuba nga zino enkima zebateeka mu Zoo buli budde nebazisuulira emmere nezeyanza.

 
Bano abavubuka abagenda bagoberera abakulembeze ababayiira sente nga tebakoze mirimu kizibu okubapimira sente mekka ezisanidde okubawa nokusinga abakulembeze bano nga bo balabika balina omusimbi omuyitirivu gwebagenda nga babayiira. Abakulembeze ba Africa nga bamanyiza abavubuka mu Africa okwefunira omusimbi wano mu Africa nga togukoleredde!
 
Kyova olaba nga munaddini ono bino abimanyi bulungi kubanga namakanisa amanji nga 100 gakulira ali mubwetavu bwa sente okukamala. Era amakanisa manji nyo mpozzi nemubasawo baffe abaganda betaaga nyo abalina sente, nemirimu, nobugagga okusobola okubeezawo emirimu gyebyomwoyo gyebakola.
 
Ensi eziyize ekizibu kino ekyabavubuka abatalina mirimu, babawa sente ezibayamba okusula, okulya nokutambula okunonya emirimu. Ate nga sente zino ezibaweebwa ziva muma company amaggagga agakola sente nokusasula omusolo, ate era nabakozi abawa omusolo omungi ddala. Era nabano abavubuka abafuna sente zino kasita bafuna emirimu, balina okusasula omusolo mungi ddala okulaba nga nebanabwe abakyakula baganyulwa muntegeka ya sente zino eziweebwa abavubuka abakalubirirwa okufuna emirimu okweyimirizaawo.
 
Kyava akyogera nga awomereza gavumenti kyekola bwekiri ekirungi
 
Mukulu Ssempala ono munaddini ayogera byabufuzi governmenti ya Uganda kyetayagala akole
 
Kya nnaku omuntu okulowooza bw'atyo. Ono alinga agamba nti singa mu Uganda buli omu m7 amuwa ATM card eriko 1billion olwo obwavu n'obumenyi bw'amateeka buggwawo! Okugaba ssente kuli mu Uganda na mu nsi eziri backward and corrupt.
 
 
 
 
 

Omubaka wa Parliamenti ya Uganda, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, yeganye abazungu abagala okumuyamba okusobola okugyako Presidenti Museveni mubufuzi bwa Uganda mwaganidde kakati emyaka 33: 

By Martin Ndijjo

 

Added 18th September 2018

 

“Tusabire eggwanga lyaffe Katonda ayongere okuggula amaaso n’emitima gy’abatukulembera bamanye nti baliwo kuweereza bantu era oluvannyuma lwa byonna Mukama atusaasire tusobole okukyusa Uganda ng’abantu be balina obuyinza (Masters) ate abakulembeze babeere baweereza baffe (Servants) nga bwe kiri mu mawanga amalala”-Bobi Wine.

 

 

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Bobi Wine ng’ayogera eri abantu abaakung’aanye mu Boston, USA.

 

OMUBAKA Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine) awakannyizza ebimwogerwako Gavumenti nti alina Abazungu abamuvujjirira ssente atabule eggwanga.
 
Yagambye nti okwo kutiisatiisa okuzze kukolebwa kyokka kati takyalina kyatya kubanga buli ekisoboka bakimutuusizzaako, amagezi gabaweddeko batandise
kumuwaayiriza.
 
Mu Bazungu abagambibwa okumuwa ssente mulimu ne munnamateeka we Robert Amsterdam. Yagambye nti kino si kituufu, bigambo by’abo abali mu gavumenti abaagala okumuggya ku mulamwa gw’aliko.
 
“Buli muzungu gwe bandaba naye okuli ne mikwano gyange bagamba nti banteekamu ssente ekitali kituufu kubanga n’abamu ku Bazungu bano mbasinga ssente wadde ng’ennaku zino ndi mwavu era mbasaba abalinamu ku ssente mutuwagire kubanga
twetaaga ssente mu kaweefube gwe tuliko kubanga abantu baffe bangi abavuddeyo okuwagira omulamwa gwa ‘People Power’ bakwatibwa ate okubeeyimirira mu kkooti kyetaagisa ssente’’.
 
“Kituufu amagezi gabeesibye kubanga ffenna twegasse, tebakyalina kye batulimba era wadde tubatya naye ate bbo batutya nnyo,” Bwe yayongeddeko.
 
Wabula Gavumenti egamba nti Bobi Wine talina kweraliikirira era terina bulabe bwonna bw’ejja kumutuusaako, ky’alina okukola kwe kudda mu Uganda avunaanibwe emisango gy’okulya mu nsi olukwe ate yeewale n’okukola effujjo eritabangula eggwanga.
 
 mwana ngasaasira obi ine ebyamutuukako gye buvuddekoOmwana ng’asaasira Bobi Wine okukubwa nokutulugunyizibwa aba magye ga Uganda gye buvuddeko. Era nga abamagye ga Uganda bamaze okumukuba nokumusiba omwezi gumu, nebalagira Military Police ya Uganda okumuteekako omusango gwokulya munsi ye olukwe nebane abalala nga 18!

 

 
Okwogera bino yabadde ayanukula ekibuuzo ekyamubuuziddwa munnamawulire Ronnie Mayanja omu ku Bannayuganda abeetabye mu lukung’aana olwabadde ku wooteeri ya Embassy Suites e Waltham, Boston mu Amerika ku Ssande mwe yasisinkanidde Bannayuganda ababeerayo.
 
Waaviriddeyo ku nsonga eno ng’Omumerika mukwano gwe Jackie Wolfson nnannyini kibiina ky’obwannakyewa ekya ‘Shule Foundation’ bamugobye mu Uganda olw’ebigambibwa nti abadde akoleramu mu bukyamu nga talina mpapula zimukkiriza
kukolera kuno ate Anne Whitehead enzaalwa ya Canada abadde amuyamba mu by’amawulire naye yadduka.
 
Nga tannaba kugenda ku wooteeri, Bobi yasoose kwetaba mu kitambiro kya mmisa ku Klezia ya St. Mary’s e Boston gye yasinzidde n’akubiriza Bannayuganda bonna
gye bali okwagala n’okusabira eggwanga lyabwe era abo abali ku kyeyo yabasabye okudda eka (Uganda) bakulaakulanyeyo.
 
 
“Tusabire eggwanga lyaffe Katonda ayongere okuggula amaaso n’emitima gy’abatukulembera bamanye nti baliwo kuweereza bantu era oluvannyuma lwa byonna Mukama atusaasire tusobole okukyusa Uganda ng’abantu be balina obuyinza (Masters) ate abakulembeze babeere baweereza baffe (Servants) nga bwe kiri mu mawanga amalala”
 
Ku Embassy Suites, yeebazizza abantu bonna mu nsi abaamulwanirira ne banne bwe baakwatibwa mu Arua ne baggalirwa era n’asaasira n’abo abafiiriddwa abantu baabwe mu kaweefube gwe baliko. Abasabye obutatirira bawagire ‘People Power’ ng’agamba nti mwe bayinza okuyisa n’eddoboozi eryawamu okulaga ebyo ebibanyigiriza
n’okukwata obukulembeze.
 
“Tetulina kuddamu kukozesa mmundu okukwata obukulembeze kubanga bonna abayise mu nkola eno gye biggweera ng’eggwanga balifudde lyabwe ssekinnoomu boogera kimu nti baayigga ensolo yaabwe kati tulina kukolera wamu tufune
obuyinza nga bwaffe kyenkanyi.
 
“Ndi musanyufu nti kaweefube waffe ono asobodde okutugatta n’aggyawo enjawukana z’eddiini n’amawanga ezibadde zitulemesa okwegatta, era nkakasa nti tujja
kuwangula.
 
Abo abampita omununuzi (Savior) kubanga nkulembeddemu ‘People Power’ njagala okubagamba nti nze ndi omu ku Bannayuganda obukadde 40 obutulugunyizibwa abantu ab’olubatu era tulina kukolera wamu, era kisobokera ddala ne bwemba siriiwo.
 
Okukakasa kino ebbanga lye nnamala mu kkomera nga sirina na busobozi kulaba oba okusoma amawulire ku bigenda mu maaso abantu mwekolamu omulimu ne
munnwanirira ne bannange bwe twali mu busibe.” Mu kumubuuza ebibuuzo waliwo abaamusabye abakakase oba anaavuganya ku ntebe ya pulezidenti mu kulonda
okuddako n’ebiruubirirwa bye (Vision) eri Uganda n’abategeeza nti mu kiseera kino talowooza ku kya ntebe ya pulezidenti, omulamwa gw’aliko kutereeza ebyo
ebisobaganye omuli n’entambula y’emirimu n’agattako nti Uganda erimu abantu bangi abalina obusobozi okubeera Pulezidenti.
 
Ate ku biruubirirwa yagambye nti ayagala Uganda ey’awamu nga buli muntu asobola okugyeyagaliramu kyenkanyi.
 
Yagambye nti ssente gavumenti z’etandise okuwa ab’omu Ghetto tezijja
kubayamba wabula kubateekerawo mbeera ebasobozesa okwetuusaako bye baagala n’emirimu egy’okukola.
 
Ye Shiekh Abdal Ddumba omu ku baakulembeze b’Abasiraamu e Boston yasabye gavumenti eveeyo ennyonnyole ku Basiraamu abazze battibwa n’abatemu abali emabega w’ebikolwa bino.

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Nga Omugenzi Gadaffi yakola kyonna kyasobola okuwa President Amin obuyambi bwonna okukuba abayekera abaali bamutawanya 1975/79. Ate ne Obote nga amaze okugoba Muteesa mulubiri lwe 1966/73, President we Tanzania ne Kenya bonna begatta wamu okuyamba Obote okusigala kubufuzi bwa Uganda. Ye ate tulaba jjo jjuuzi wano e Luweero olutalo nga luwedde, Gaddaffi nakomawo okulambula ettabaalo lya M7 abantu baffe enkuyanja abafiirwa obulamu bwabwe okukamala, M7 neyebaza nyo Gaddaffi nabantu be okumuyamba okuwangula olutalo olwokugoba omubbi wobululu Obote 2. Kakati gwe Bobi Wine nebano abavuganya M7 ani gwolimba oba ani gwewewozaako nti tolina mikwano gyabweru egisobola okukuyamba okulwanyisa Serwajja okwota ono aganide mubufuzi bwa Uganda kakano emyaka 33?

 

 

 

 

 

The citizens of Uganda are not at all impressed with the President of Uganda as he rushed to the crime scene, where Mr Kirumira and a  lady friend had just been assasinated:

Mr Muhammad Kirumira and M/s Resty Nnaalinya killed together by assassins

The President of Uganda at the scene of crime just after only 3 hours from the assassination time

Killed in cold blood in the middle of an African country of Uganda

9 September, 2018

By Derrick Wandera

BUGANDA at BULENGA, Kampala

People who had gathered at the crime scene where former Buyende District police commander, Muhammad Kirumira was shot, yesterday, heckled President Museveni telling him that they were tired of the manner in which people are being assassinated.

President Museveni arrived at the scene at about 10 minutes to midnight, walking amidst tight security of the Special Forces Command.

The crowds that had been made silent by the army started bursting out, one-by-one from different corners saying they are tired of tyranny and brutal killing of high profile citizens.

“Mzee, see this? We are tired of it. We are tired of you and your men in uniform. We want you to take action. People are getting finished, what will you rule, an empty country?” someone in the crowd shouted.

The SFC swung into action and dispersed the crowds, journalists were ordered to switch of their cameras, and the live coverage of the crime scene was stopped.

READ:

Before the president went away, he turned and looked at the people, waved at them and told them, “mwebale nyo” (a Luganda phrase meaning thank you so much).

The already charged crowd did not reciprocate the appreciation; they hurled more complaints as the president moved away.

The people complained that prior to his killing, Kirumira and his father Mr Abubaker Kawooya, had called on the president for protection and told him that he would be killed but he turned a deaf ear.

“Mzee, Kirumira told you that they wanted to kill him, but you didn’t listen to him. His father also approached you about the same but you chose to go quiet on it. Can you tell us who our president is, if you can’t settle all these killings in a country you are leading?” one of the emotional men in the crowd shouted before he was refrained by the police.

Mr Kirumira was gunned down together with a woman commonly known as Mukyala Ali who operated a Mobile Money kiosk at Bulenga trading center.

According to eyewitnesses, the incident happened at around 7:10pm but it took a while before people gathered to start circulating the news. Police arrived and fired bullets in the air to disperse the people.

 

Many residents of the State of Buganda have arrived at the home of the murdered Police Commander, Mr Muhammad Kirumira:

 

A tentative funeral programme has been released as a cloud of gloom hangs over the residence of slain former Buyende DPC Muhammad Kirumira.


MURDER

WAKISO - Scores of people Sunday morning gathered at the home of Police officer Muhammad Kirumira in Bulenga, Wakiso district to mourn his death, as his wife (and now widow) made an emotional appeal for government to intervene in the murders happening in the country.

The former District Police Commander for Buyende was gunned down by runaway assassins Saturday evening as he drove near his home.

A female occupant of the vehicle was also shot dead. Police said they would withhold releasing her identity "in the meantime".

The two were pronounced dead upon arrival at Rubaga Hospital in Kampala.

Kirumira's murder sent waves of shock in Bulenga and beyond, and several people camped at his home to hold a night vigil.

And many more mourners flocked at the residence hours later. Our reporter at the scene said some were wailing and others, fighting back tears, told stories of "a man loved by many people here".

It is gloomy and sombre. Cold and moody.

Kirumira's wife is said to have been brought home by a friend early Sunday morning. Initially, she had been feared to have been in the ill-fated car at the time of the murder, which, according to Police, occured at around 9:00pm local time.

Later, Police clarified that it was not her, but instead another woman.

Kirumira's wife speaks out

Distraught by her husband's gruesome murder, Mrs Kirumira has appealed to the Government to find a way of solving murders in the country.

News of her husband's assassination found her home.

"I was at home at around 8:00pm and I received a phone call informing me about the murder of my husband," she said Sunday morning at Mulago Mortuary, where they had gone to collect Kirumira's body ahead of burial.

"We are being oppressed but we are not beeing helped. My appeal is that government steps in  to save the situation.

"Today, my loved one has been murdered and tomorrow it will be another person. I ask the government to step in and inform us on what exactly happened."

Kirumira had gained a lot of experience as a Police officer


Bbira mosque imam, Sheikh Saiyid Kasujja, who is Kirumira's relative, said the slain Police officer's body will be brought at his home in Gogonya Zone B at 11:00am.

Later, it will be transported to Mbampire in Mpigi district for burial at 2:00pm today.

Police said Kirumira was driving his personal vehicle when he was assassinated.

"We condemn these heinous criminal acts and promise to hunt down these merciless criminals and bring them to book," said Police spokesperson Emilian Kayima late Saturday.

Before being transfered to Buyende to take charge as district Police commander, Kirumira was officer in charge of Nansana Police Station.

Mourners held a night vigil at the residence of Kirumira

 

 

 By the next day mourners had increased in sympathy to Mr Kirumira's family

 

At Kirumira's father's home arrangements are getting on to receive the body and to bury it:

Meanwhile, preparations are underway at the home of Kirumira's father in Mbampire, Mpigi district, where he will be laid to rest on Sunday.
(Photos by Simon Ssekidde)

 

 

 The home of the father of the Uganda Police Commander killed by assassins

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The military Government of Uganda has decided not to reform the 10 recommendations the Supreme Court advised it to do before the next National Election of 2021:      

Ruling. The panel of Supreme Court  judges  led

 The panel of Supreme Court judges led by Chief Judge Bart Katurebe (5th left) during the hearing of the presidential election petition filed by former presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi in 2016.  That is when the ruling was made. FILE PHOTO

 

UGANDA, Kampala.

None of the 10 recommendations for reform of the electoral system that the Supreme Court made to government and wanted to be carried out within two years has been implemented over two years since the judgment was issued.
Anxiety over electoral reforms has set in after the period that the Supreme Court indicated for carrying out reforms with the government has expired. 
In a statement issued at the expiry of the Supreme Court deadline on August 26, lawyers under the Network of Public Interest Lawyers (Netpil) queried the government on the delay to institute the reforms and reminded government that respect of court decisions is the “bedrock of rule of law” in the country.

 

Futile effort


“Court judgments that go unimplemented are considered a futile effort for both the parties and the court that adjudicated such a matter. Ugandans, as stakeholders in the growth of the country’s electoral democracy, need to interrogate the efficacy of the entire presidential election petition remedy,” Mr Emmanuel Candia, the chairperson of Netpil Advisory Committee, said. 
The Supreme Court, in its ruling in the election petition that was filed by former presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi, took the extraordinary step to put a timeline for the implementation of its recommendation since similar recommendations of the same court that had been issued in 2001 and 2006 had been largely ignored by the government. 


Just over two years into the current term, Parliament has already fiddled with the Constitution by removing the 75-year cap for presidential candidates, and returned into the constitution presidential term limits. 


Whereas Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi, the mover of the Private Member’s motion that led to this amendment, argued that he had to suggest the amendment because time was flying by and the two years allocated by the Electoral Commission to make reforms was nearly coming to an end, it is important to note that removal of age limits was not among the amendments the Supreme Court suggested. 


The Supreme Court recommendations were themed on 10 points, including the time for filing and determining of the petition; the nature of evidence in an election petition; the time for holding fresh elections in case an election is nullified; and regulating the use of technology. 
The other recommendations are on unequal use of State-owned media; late enactment of relevant legislation; donations during election period; involvement of public officers in political campaigns; the role of the Attorney General in election petitions; and implementation of recommendations by the Supreme Court.


The Supreme Court ordered the Attorney General to “follow up the recommendations made … with the other organs of State, namely Parliament and the Executive” and report to the court within two years from the date of the judgment the measures that have been taken to implement the recommendations.”


Two years later, no substantial action has been taken by the Attorney General on the Supreme Court recommendations as directed.
Contacted on what has been done on the matter, deputy Attorney General Mwesigwa Rukutana said: “We have made a report to the Supreme Court. Some of the recommendations were made in Constitutional Amendment Number 1, which we passed. Other recommendations which have wider implications, we left them for the constitutional review commission, which we are setting up.”
Mr Rukutana declined to share the contents of the report that he says they have shared with the court.

 
Asked whether the Supreme Court has received the report, Chief Justice Bart Katureebe said: “I am now on a safari travelling. You will come to check on us next week, but you should first check with the Attorney General, first establish what they have done, what they have written then check with us.” 
On the basis of the actions taken by the AG, court would either “make further orders and recommendations as it sees fit” or not. It is not clear what further steps, if any, court will take.

 

Old song of the NRM


On August 7, Justice minister Kahinda Otafiire wrote to President Museveni reminding him to provide his input on the nominees to constitute the constitutional review commission.
In the letter, a copy of which Saturday Monitor has seen, Gen Otafiire expresses the urgency to institute the commission.
“We are about to present the Constitutional Review Bill to Cabinet, and the list of nominees was sent to you for your input and approval in view of what is evolving in the Constitution,” Gen Otafiire writes.

 

Urgent matter


He adds: “There is urgent need for commencing the constitutional review commission in order to address the issues at hand.”
The process leading to the 2021 elections is expected to commence in less than two years. The country, therefore, is likely to plunge into the old song of “no sufficient time to deal with the reforms” as was the case ahead of the 2016, 2011 and 2006 general elections.
In January 2017, Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda told a meeting between the National Consultative Forum and the Electoral Commission that the government was in the final stages of establishing a constitutional review commission. 
“There were many proposals that had been made before the elections on how to improve our system of elections and general political environment. Government in principle was in agreement. However, time constraints did not allow us to carry out legal and constitutional amendments and that is why a review commission is being put in place to carry forward the ideas and proposals that were submitted before elections and new ideas that may come up now so that we can formally put them in the constitutional framework of the country,” Dr Rugunda said. 
Almost two years later, the review commission has not been put in place.

 

 

 

 

 

Three in four children in Uganda have experienced violence - a Human rights watch report has come out:

Police pick a child from the streets recently. S

Police pick a child from the streets recently. Such efforts have always been mooted by government and other stakeholders to ensure children are protected. Courtesy photo  

By Esther Oluka

“You are stupid! Why do you keep failing, yet, your friends are performing well in the class,” shouted a furious Athieno at her eight-year-old son, Opio.

Athieno, a single mother of two, was angry because her son had failed the recently concluded school second term final examinations.
“Is there porridge inside your brain?” she yelled louder while pushing Opio’s head against the wall.

The frightened youngster retreated to a corner and wept quietly.
Opio is not alone. There are many children like him who are continuously subjected to emotional abuse while others face physcial and sexual violence.

Emotional violence is a form of abuse that damages a child’s psychological or mental health. On the other hand, physical violence involves using “physical” force, including beating, kicking and slapping to inflict harm on a child while sexual violence involves the use of children for sex.

 

The shocking statistics
The Uganda violence against children survey report released on August 9 shows that three in four children in Uganda have experienced some form of violence. Among the three primary forms of violence surveyed sexual, physical and emotional. One in three children have experienced at least two of these.

According to the report, the most frequent perpetrators of sexual violence among 13 to 17 year olds girls were neighbours, strangers and friends. On the other hand, boys aged 13 to 24 years reported friends, classmates, and neighbours as the most frequent perpetrators of sexual violence.

Both sexes frequently experienced sexual violence during evening hours on a road, in their respective homes or at school.

Meanwhile, for 13 to 17 year old Ugandans, adults in the community were the most common perpetrators of physical violence in 2017, with male teachers being by far the most frequent offenders of physical violence against both boys and girls.

Then, for emotional violence, the most common perpetrators against 13 to 17 year olds were biological and stepparents.

 

Effects of violence against children
These violent actions directed towards children affect them in one way or another.

In some cases, the vice creates a continuous vicious cycle of violence, where childhood survivors turn into adult perpetrators of the vice.
“These children end up growing with a fixated mentality that it is okay to commit violence. They repeat the same offences that were inflicted on them during their childhood,” says Mr Peter Mugabi, a psychologist.
No wonder, the survey reveals that half of all 18 to 24 year olds believe it is acceptable for a man to beat his wife. Still, among 18 to 24 year olds, six in 10 believe a wife should tolerate violence in order to keep the family together.

Mr Mugabi adds that violence against children causes other effects, including loss of esteem or confidence, isolation, poor performance in school, among others. And in worst case scenarios, some of these children run away from their respective homes to seek shelter on the streets.

“Some of these children you see begging and seeking shelter on the streets deserted their homes due to violence,” he says.

The sad bit is that even on the streets, these children are continuously mistreated by different parties.

A 2014 Human Rights Watch report revealed violations against street children by police and local government officials, as well as abuses by members of the community and older homeless children and adults.
According to the report, there is a widespread belief that street children are all criminals and are often the first suspects, for instance, when theft is committed. In the end, they expressed fear of the authorities and a total lack of protection on the streets.

 

What can be done to curb the vice?
During a panel discussion during the launch of the Uganda violence against children survey in Kampala on August 9, Ms Harriet Akullu, a child protection specialist at United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef), noted that just because an intervention has worked in other countries, it does not necessarily mean that it is also going to work in Uganda.

However, she noted that if Uganda can consistently implement its resources, laws, and policies, alongside engaging members of its communities by pronouncing violence against children as a shameful act, then, there is a huge potential of reducing the vice.

“If we address the very core problem and invest in a systems approach, we will be moving towards a sustainable way of ending violence against children in our country,” Ms Akullu said.

Mr Timothy Opodo, a child protection manager at ChildFund International, said the reality on ground is that the foot soldiers, who are supposed to be at the forefront of addressing child-related issues are inadequately funded.

“We are not going to be able to see meaningful change without resource allocation to address these issues,” Mr Opodo said.

 

 

 

 

 

Kiyitiridde mu Lubiri e Mengo ku matikkira ga Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ag'emyaka 25:

1st August, 1993 to 1st August, 2018

OLUKIIKO LW’ABAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA AI SSABASAJJA BAKUKULISA JUBILEE ENO:

 

(Bazzukulu b’Abakulu b’Obusolya bw’Ebika bya Buganda)

 

The Council of the Grandchildren of Buganda:

 

 

P.O. Box 5946, Kampala,

 

Uganda Mobile phones:

 

0712-845736,

 

0712-810415,

 

 

Date: 1st August, 2018

 

Bajjajja ba Buganda abataka ab’obusolya Bulange-Mengo Kampala. 

 

 

Ensonga: Okukuluusanyizibwa kw’olubiri lw’e Mengo:

 

Bajjajja, ffe Bazzukulu ba Kabaka Chwa II tubawandikidde ebbaluwa eno tubajjukize bye muteekwa okuba nga mubimanyi, olw’okubanga tuli Bazzukulu ba kabaka Chwa II, olw’okubanga Kabaka Chwa II mutabani wa Kabaka Mwanga II.

Olw’okuba olubiri lw’e Mengo kye kibuga kya Kabaka Mwanga II ekitongole, n’olw’ekyo ekiteekwa  okuba amasiroge, ffe Bazzukulu ba Chwa II, n’olwekyo bazzukulu ba Mwanga II, olubiri lw’e Mengo bwe butaka bwaffe era ensibuko yaffe, mu buzaale. N’olwekyo olubiri lw’e Mengo lwaffe bwoya mu Buzaale bwaffe.

Olw’okubanga omulangira bw’alya Obuganda mwe  abataka ab’obusolya muteekwabuteekwa okumukubira ekibuga ekikye mw’alamulira obuganda. Olw’okubanga omulangira alya obuganda olulyo olulangira luba lumusiiza e Buganda, n’olwekyo eno mu lulyo ng’atakyalinayo kikye, olubiri oba Amasiro ga Kabaka omubuze, Kabaka omulamu aba tagalinaamu bwannannyini nga n’okugayingiramu agayingiramu nga mulangira omwereere, mwe Bajjajja  eb’obusolya mulina EBBANJA ery’okukubira Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ekibuga oba olubiri olulwe  alamuliremu obuganda.

Bajjajaja b’obuganda ab’obusolya, okulemwa kwammwe okutuukiriza obuvunaanyizibwa bwammwe obw’okukubira Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ekibuga ekikye, leka muleme kufuula olubiri era  obutaka bwaffe obw’e Mengo eky’ekulinnyirira. Bajjajja eb’obusolya, amaanyi amangi ennyo,   ge muteeka ku Lubiri era obutaka  bwaffe obw’e Mengo, ne mutuuka on’okulunoonyeza  wamu n’okulutunza omuyindi Agakhan gwe muyita  “invester” ebyo byonna bwe munaamala  okukubira Kabaka  Muwenda Mutebi II ekibuga  ekikye, mujja kuba ba ne dembe  okubikolera eyo, naye ssi eno ewaffe ku Butaka bwaffe!!

 

Tulina obukakafu obumala obugamba nti  lino EBBINU LYA JUBIREEWO  lye mutegekedde mu Lubiri lwaffe  olw’e Mengo, ku ntikko yaalyo  ye wajja okubeera okulangirira n’okukwasa omuguzi w’obutaka bwaffe obw’e Mengo, gwe mukwese mu “invester” mbu, agenda “okulukulaakulanya” nga mukulembezza Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II ne katikkiro  we C.P Mayiga!!! 

 

Tulina obukakafu nti omuyindi Agakhan yasasula kayungirizi katikkiro C.P Mayiga ne banne obulindo bwa sente, naye Agahkan Obuganda ne bumutiisa okutwala olubiri lwaffe bwe bwamuwandiikira ebbaluwa ne  bumumanyisa nti yali “aguze” ekibbe ku Bafere be yali asasudde sente, n’olwekyo, naye yali abalirwa mu  bafere, ababbi b’olubiri era obutaka bwaffe!!!

 

Tukimanyi nti Agakhan bwe yava mu kintu, be yasaasula senteze yagenda  okuzibasaba bazimuddize, baali bamaze okuzibuliza mu gabuto gaabwe, n’olw’ekyo  n’asigala  ngababanja!!! Tukimanyi bulungi nti olw’ebbanja kayungirizi Mayiga ne banne lye balimu, kati kwe kulaba Mayiga ngakola butaweera akozese Ebbinu lya  jubireewo  okweyambulamu omugwa gw’ebbenja  ogubali mu nsingo zaabwe!!!!

 

Bajjajja  ab’obusolya, okukakasa nti tumanyi bulungi Entegeka zammwe ze mulina  ku Lubiri era obutaka  bwaffe, ku baluwa eno tubateereddeko kopi y’entegeka zammwe gye mwafulumiza mu mamulire ga New vision owe  nga.....................!!!! Tubasaba  muddemu mwetegereze entegeka yammwe eyo, mulabe era  mwebuuze oba nga dala ebyo byonna bwe mubiteekamu  olubiri lusobola okusigala nga lukyali lubiri lw’e Buganda oba lw’e Bulaaya!!!??.

 

Nga tumaliriza, Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi  okuva lwali omulamu, muleker’awo okumuyingiza n’okumukozesa emikolo gy’obwakabakabwe mu Lubiri era obutaka bwaffe  obw’e Mengo, kubanga teriiyo bwakabaka bw’e Buganda busikirwa. Buli mulangira obwakabaka alyabulye, buli kimu  ne mumuwa  kikye.

 

Bw’abula, ateekebwa mu lubirilwe olufuuka  amasiroge, wamu  na buli kimu kye yafunira mu bwakabakabwe, nga n’abasiige bonna kwe bali. Mukkirize tubajjukize nti  singa ssi  bwali bujoozi bwa Gavana wa Kwini kulwa Kwini, jjajjaffe Mwanga kati yandibadde  aterekeddwa mu Lubiri era Amasiroge ag’e Mengo.

 

Mukkirize tubajjukize nti mulina Ebbanja dene nyo nyo bakabaka be mwag’otteka mu Masiro ga Kabaka Walugembe Muteesa I e Kasubi okubaggyayo  buli omu mumuteeke mu Lubirilwe. Bakabaka okubagotteka mutyo mukimanyi nti kya kivve kinene nnyo era mukimanyi nti Ekivve ekyo kye kyavaako Amasiro g’e Kasubi okusaanyizibwawo omuliro. Kino kivaako n’ebizibu bingi kati ebirremesa Buganda n’Obuganda!!!

 

Bajjajja, leka tusuubire nti Ensonga gye tutadde mu maaso gemmwe Simuuleme  kugitwala nga  nkulu nyo nyo, kireme  kutwetaagisa kusikaƋana mugwa singa tekiibeere bwe kityo. Leka tusuubire nti omukolo gwa Jubireewo  gwe mujja okusembayo okukozesa Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II mu Lubirir lw’e Mengo gy’ateekwa okuyingira n’okweyisiza ng’omulangire omwereere ng’e

bannannyini Lubiri oba masiro bakitegeddeko.

Wabula Bajjajja kino sikitegeeza nti mufunye oluwenda olw’okubayamba okulagajjalira  obuvunaanyizibwa bwammwe bwe mulina ku Lubiri era Amasiro g’e Mengo obufaanana ne bwe mulina ku mbiri n’amasiro emalala gonna.

 

Tweyanzizza nyo Bajjajja okutuwuliriza.

 

 

Ffe Abalangira n’Abambejja

 

 

c.c eri: 

 

1. Kabaka Muwende Mutebi II   

 

2. Katikkiro C.P. Mayiga   

 

3. Ab’emituba olulyo olulangira           

 

4. Bannamawulire. 

 

 

 

 

 

Embeera y'Omubaka wa Parliamenti e Buganda, Mukono, Mukyala Betty Nambooze Bakireke tennalongooka. Asaana kugenda ku HUNGER STRIKE okumusibira mu ddwaliro lye kkommera nga talina musango:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 21st June 2018

 

EMBEERA y’omubaka Betty Nambooze Bakireke ekyali mbi, abamujjanjaba bwe bategeezezza nti akyalina obulumi olw’ekizibu kye yafuna era bbo bakyalemedde ku kumutwala e Buyindi ayongere okujjanjabibwa.

 

Now 703x422

Nambooze ng’assiddwa mu kyuma okukeberebwa.

 

Eggulo bamuzzizzaayo mu kyuma ne bamukuba ebifaananyi ebiraga embeera y’ekyuma kye baamussa mu mugongo bwe kifaanana era bba Bakireke yategeezezza nti mukyala we tannaba kutereera kubanga talina bujjanjabi bwa njawulo bw’afuna mu ddwaaliro ly’e Kiruddu.

“Embeera twabagamba dda nti yeetaaga kutwala Buyindi nga lipooti y’omusawo bwe yalaga kyokka abaserikale bamulemedde. Kino ekikolebwa kubonyaabonya mubaka naye amazima akyawulira obulumi bwa maanyi,” Bakireke bwe yagambye.

Embeera ku kasenge k’eddwaaliro ly’e Kiruddu, Nambooze gy’ajjanjabirwa ekyali ya bunkenke ng’abaserikale abali mu ngoye ezaabulijjo be bamuvunaanyizibwako era tebamala gakkiriza bantu kumulaba wadde bannamawulire okuyingizaayo kkamera.

Aba Famire y’omubaka beekengedde nti poliisi byonna by’ekola eyagala kutwala mubaka mu kkooti kyokka obulwadde bukyabalemesezza.

Akulira eddwaaliro ly’e Mulago, Dr. Byarugaba Baterana yategeezezza nti tebasobola kumala gakkiriza mubaka kutwalibwa Buyindi kubanga obulwadde babusobola era baamuteekako abasawo abakugu mukaaga abatunuulira obulamu bwe essaawa 24.

Kyokka balooya ba Nambooze aba Lukwago and Co. Advocates baawandiikidde akulira akakiiko akakola eddembe ly’obuntu ne bamusaba akozese amateeka akyalire Nambooze naye yeerabireko embeera embi gy’alimu.

Lukwago yategeezezza nti Poliisi eremedde Nambooze ate nga mulwadde ky’agamba nti kimenya amateeka ate nga palamenti yamukkiriza dda okuddayo e Buyindi okulaba abasawo abaamujjanjaba n’okuddamu okumwekebejja.

Nambooze ajjanjabirwa mu ddwaaliro lya Kiruddu eriri wansi wa Mulago era baamuzza ku mwaliiro ogwomusavu.

 

Nb

 

Okukusiba nyabo tekuli criminal kuli political.

 

Nyabo Namboze gamba ba Looya bo nti amazzi gamira nange nina gamira! Genda ku hunger strike otandike okunywa amazzi gokka nyabo.

 

Abaganda muliluddawa okwemulugunya?

 

Mwe muleke kusaagira ku bulamu bw'omuntu! Oyo omukyala ayinza okubakutukira mu ngalo nga mutunula. Low blood pressure is very dangerous. Ate obwo obulumi bwalimu ssi kusaaga. Omukyala mumutwaale ajjanjabibwe awone mulyoke mumuvunaane emisango egitaliimu. Naye muleke kusaagira kubulamu bw'omwana w'omuntu!

 

Kale nolaba mbu "Omubaka Namooze bamuganye okugenda bamujanjjabe" simanyi Bamutaddeko Abasawo 6, olwo ffe aboonya okulabayo wakili Naasi nabula tukole tutya, ye eddagala mwalifunye lyemumuwa, oba yebase kukitanda just!

 

Yuganda yeeyo.

 

Yugandayayulika...hihihi.

 

Hon, Nnambooze, tagenda kudduka ng'agenze e Buyindi naye yaliwereddwa omukisa okuddayo mu ddwaliro e Buyindi ng'Abasawo abamulongoosa bwebaali bamugambye, Baterana akyabalaata kubanga ssi muntuwe yalina obulumi. Waliwo abantu abayinza okusaagira mu bulumi bw'abalala naye ka tulinde bwebalitunula nga ababwe bafunye obuvune. Gwebaali bataddemu ekyuuma mu mubiri yayinza okumanya bwekutali kunaanya.

 

 

 

 

 

 

OKUTUNDA OLUBIRI LWA SSEKABAKA MWANGA II E MENGO KU JUBILEE YE MYAKA 25 NGA SSABASAJJA RONNIE MUTEBI YE KABAKA WA BUGANDA:

Map ya Buganda munsi zonna eyendagaano yo 1900.

SSABASAJJA KABAKA

KAMPALA, KYADDONDO

LUBIRI – BANDA.

 

18 June, 2018

 

Ssebo Beene,

 

Ensonga:

 

Okutunda Olubiri lwa Ssekabaka Mwanga II e Mmengo

 

Ssabasajja, ku mulundi guli twakuloopera olukujjukujju lwa Bakatikkiro b’Omulangira Muwenda Mutebi okutunda olubiri lwo olw’Emmengo olwakubwa Ssekabaka Mwanga II. Ekyasembyeyo wano jjuuzi, ye Katikkiro Mayiga Charles Peter okuyisa olukwe mu bajjajja Abataka abakulu b’Obusolya bw’Ebika okuwaayo olubiri olwo eri Nnaggagga omuyindi Aga Khan oluvannyuma lw’okusasula obulindo bw’ensimbi. Byonna ebyakolebwa okututaasa obufere obwo byalemesa omuyindi Aga Khan okutwala ekyamaguzikye. Kyokka tulowooza nti akyabanja abafere abali mu Bulange omudidi gw’ensimbi gwe yasasula kubanga sigwamuddizibwa. Era bakaggwensonyi abafere abali mu Bulange sibagenda kukomya kuyimba na kuyeeya kya ku kulaakulanya lubiri lw’Emmengo kubanga baalutamiira bwenge.

          Obuganda busaanidde obuteerabira mawano agaakolebwa banna kigwanizi abaddugavu ne bagavana abazungu, okugattika kabaka Mwanga II ku Kitaawe Kabaka Mukaabya Muteesa I mu Masiro e Kasubi. Ekyo kya wemula nnyo obuwangwa bwa Buganda. Obuganda bw’amanya ensobi naye ne busigala nga bukuumye olubiri lw’Emmengo ng’Amasiro ga Kabaka waabwo okutuusa nga nnyinimu Kabaka Mwanga, aggyiddwa e Kasubi ng’akomezeddwawo mu Mbugaye e Mmengo. Era Kabaka Cwa II siyafugiramu kubanga gaali Masiro ga Kitaawe, nga gamuzira. Ekyennaku nti ensigo ya ba nnakigwanizi abaali mu lubiri lwa Kabaka Mwanga II e Mmengo ezze esikirwa abaana baabwe abali mu Bulange kaakano abeesomye okulutunda basaanyeewo buli kimu, era nga bakulembeza muzzukuluwo omulangira Muwenda Mutebi.

          Ssebo Ssaabalongo, ensonga zino omulangira Muwenda Mutebi twazimuloopera emirundi mingi kyokka siyavaamu kanyego. Wabula tugenda okulaba nga ensonga ze twaloopa zigenda bugenzi mu maaso era okuwulira mbu Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi yataddeko omukono olubiri lutundibwe; basinga kugamba nti luweebwe omuyindi Aga Khan alukulaakulanye!! Kimanyiddwa bulungi nti buli lwe boogera okukulaakulanya ekintu, kuba ku kitundira ddala. Ate siwali mbeera lubiri olwo gye luyinza kusigala nga lubiri singa luggyibwamu obuwangwa bw’amu. Kyenyamiza nti eby’obugwenyufu byatandika dda okukolebwaamu mbu bakendeeze obuwangwa n’ennono erimu basobole okulusaanyaawo, okugeza;

1)       Baagobamu abantu ab’esonga mu buwangwa okugeza;

  1. Abalangira n’abambejja bazzukulu ba Ssekabaka Mwanga
  2. Abakyaala n’Abasiige ba Ssekabaka Mwanga
  3. Abakongozzi abakuuma embuga z’obutonzi eziri mu lubiri olwo

2)       Baaleeta abagwiira ne basulangamu nga bapangisa okugeza, Abadinka (Abasudani), Abasomaali, Abanyarwanda, Abatanzaniya

 

3)Bavugiramu motoka z’empaka

 

4)Buli mwaka bategekeramu ebiduula by’obuseegu okugeza, ENKUUKA N’EBITOOBERO olwo ne banywa ne batamiira, ne bakola obwenzi, ne beejeeguula, ne bawemula era ne bawemuka. Ebyo byonna nga bitongozebwa Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi ku buli nkomererero ya mwaka.

Kaakano ekiseera kyatuuka bakaggwensonyi okulowooza nti Abaganda beerabidde obukulu n’omugaso gw’olubiri oba Amasiro ga Ssekabaka Mwanga II e Mmengo, kale ne basalawo okuluteeka ku katale lutundibwe wamu n’ennyanja yaalwo mu Ndeeba. Ekituufu Obuganda sibwerabirangako buwangwa na nnono ya lubiri lwa Ssekabaka waabwo Mwanga mu lubiri e Mmengo, era weetuli buli kadde okuvangayo okulutaasa.

          Ssabasajja, wetuwandiikidde bino nga waliwo ebbinu erigenda mu maaso. Ababbi balituumye kya “JUBILEEWO” (Jubilee) ey’emyaka 25 egya Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi ku Nnamulondo. Kungulu kw’ebbinu lya Jubileewo kusiigiddwaako ssanyu kujaganya, naye emabega waayo tulabye nga wakwekeddwayo ekigambo ku KULAAKULANYA olubiri lw’Emmengo. Katikkiro Mayiga Charles Peter ayimbirira nnyo ekigambo ekyo naye Obuganda bubadde sibunnaba ku mukebuka. Tutegedde olukujjukujju nga ku mukolo ogwo Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi assuubirwa okulaga yinvesita bijodolo alondeddwa okukulaakulanya olubiri lw’Emmengo n’ennyanja ya Kabaka Mwanga II mu Ndeeba! Ekyo nno kya bulabe nyo!! Omuntu musigansimbi ateekwa kukola magoba, kaakano obuwangwa n’ennono yaffe Abaganda kyafuuka kya busuubuzi nti omuntu yenna omugagga alina ensimbize alina obusobozi okutusasula obusasuzi, olwo ffe netuvaawo netudda kubbali!! Olwo omugagga n’addukanya ebifo byaffe eby’obuwangwa nga bwe yeekolera amagoba era nga bw’agabirako bakaggwensonyi abali mu Bulange! Ye abaffe lwaki banaffe , Katikkiro ne banne sibaagala kutwalako nkulaakulana mu bika byabwe mwebava? Kati tugambe nti mu kika ky’Omutima obugagga ggero, omutaka Kakeeto ali bulungi nnyo kubanga muzzukuluwe alina abagagga abakulaakulanya obuwangwa? Eyo ewaabwe enkulaakulana tekkirizibwaayo?

          Ssabasajja Kabaka, ekyama ky’okusaanyaawo olubiri olwo ku mulundi guno kisabikiddwa mu Jubileewo y’emyaka 25, mbu ku kulaaakulanya! Ekyo situgenda kukikkiriza. Kuluno  Abalangira n’abambejja basaanidde basitukiremu kubanga be bannannyini nnono na buwangwa by’olubiri olwo abasookerwako, naye bulijjo sibavaayo kulaga butali bumativu ku kusaanyaawo embuga yaabwe eyo. Tuli beetegefu nyo okuddamu olutabaalo lw’okutaaasa olubiri olwo, ayi Ssabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda, nga bwe twalutaasa ku muyindi Aga Khan. Yenna gwe bali tulaga tujja kumulaba bulungi tumwetegereze.

Wangaala ayi Ssabasajja Kabaka!

Wangaala nnyaffe Buganda Onunulwe ku njegere z’obuwambe!!

 

 

Nze owuwo,

 

 

Jjunju Kamulali

Ssentebe w’Olukiiko lw’Abazzukulu ba Buganda

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HISTORY

 

Republican hunger strikes in the Maze prison in Northern Ireland against aggressive rulers:

 
 
Entrance to H-Block 5 at the Maze Prison

The iron gates to the H-Block 5, Maze prison.

Between October 1980 - October 1981

 

The hunger strikes by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland's Maze prison brought to a head five years of protest for their right to be treated as 'special category' political prisoners rather than criminals. The first to die was the IRA leader in the Maze, Bobby Sands. In all, 10 prisoners died before the strike was called off on 3 October 1981.


The British government made no public concessions to the strikers, while the republican Sinn Fein party emerged as a political force. This episode seriously inflamed the sectarian 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland.

In May 1972, Provisional IRA prisoners in Crumlin Road Jail, Northern Ireland, started a hunger strike for the right to be treated as 'prisoners of war'. At the time, the British government of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath was in ceasefire talks with the Provisional IRA. Northern Ireland secretary William Whitelaw acceded to the prisoners' demands, conferring 'special category' status on those convicted of terrorism-related offences.

In 1976, the new Labour government ended Special Category Status amid concerns that it was undermining prison discipline. Anyone convicted of terrorism-related offences after 1 March that year would be treated as an ordinary criminal. They would be imprisoned in the new, purpose-built 'H-Blocks' of the Maze prison and would have to wear prison uniform and do prison work.

HM Prison Maze was built on the disused Long Kesh RAF base, south-west of Belfast. Paramilitary prisoners had been held in 'long huts' there during 'internment' (imprisonment without trial) from 1971 to 1975. The new, distinctively-shaped 'H-Blocks' were to become the centre of protest over 'special category' status.

Protests began in September 1976 when Kieran Nugent, a Provisional IRA member, entered the Maze and refused to wear prison clothes. He was not provided with an alternative so dressed in a blanket, starting what became known as the 'blanket protest'. By Christmas, there were more than forty so-called 'blanketmen'.

In 1978, republican prisoners began a 'no-wash' or 'dirty' protest after disagreements with prison authorities over sanitary facilities and accusations of brutality. The situation escalated, with prisoners smashing their furniture, refusing to wash or to leave their cells and ultimately smearing cell walls with their own excrement.

When a hunger strike was proposed, the external leadership of the Provisional IRA was opposed, fearing it would divert attention away from its campaign of violence. With republican prisoners determined to act, the Provisional IRA leadership gave way. On 27 October 1980, seven prisoners at the Maze refused food.

Prisoners in the first hunger strike made five demands: the right to wear their own clothes; the right not to do prison work; the right to freedom of association; the right to organise their own leisure activities; and the right to restoration of lost remission (reduction of sentence).

The seven hunger strikers called off their strike 53 days later, mistakenly believing their demands had been met by the British government, by now a Conservative one led by Margaret Thatcher.

When it became clear their demands hadn't been met, a second hunger strike was organised, beginning on 1 March 1981. It was led by Bobby Sands, leader of the Provisional IRA prisoners in the Maze. Sands made the strategic decision to organise the new strike with a staggered start. A new prisoner would join each week, thereby creating sustained pressure on the British government. The dirty protest was called off so attention could be focused on the second hunger strike.

Four days after the strike began, the MP for Fermanagh-South Tyrone died suddenly. Sinn Fein, a republican political party associated with the Provisional IRA, nominated Sands for the vacant seat. On 9 April, he was elected. Sands' new status as an MP created huge media interest, but the British government made no concessions and Sands died on 5 May 1981, 66 days after he first refused food.

Within two weeks of Sands' funeral, three more strikers had died: Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh and Patsy O'Hara. The position of the British government remained unchanged.

In June, negotiations with the hunger strikers began when the Irish Commission for Justice and Peace approached the British government's Northern Ireland Office with a series of proposals. At the same time, parallel discussions were being held between the British Foreign Office and the external leadership of the Provisional IRA. By the end of July, the British government had made concessions on everything except freedom of association, but there was still no agreement and two more hunger strikers, Joe McDonnell and Martin Hurson, had now died.

With further concessions unlikely, many prisoners' families, local Catholic clergy and the external leadership of the Provisional IRA supported an end to the protest. On 31 July 1981, Paddy Quinn's family took him off the strike, but this was followed by the deaths of three more prisoners - Kevin Lynch, Kieran Doherty and Thomas McElwee. On 20 August, Michael Devine died. On the same day, the wife of another striker, Pat McGeown, agreed to him receiving medical attention. By 6 September, four more hunger strikers were being given medical attention. On 3 October 1981, the remaining hunger strikers ended their protest.

The new Northern Ireland secretary, James Prior, welcomed the prisoners' decision. Three days later he announced that prisoners in the Maze could wear their own clothes. Other privileges were restored and over time the hunger strikers' demands were substantially met, but the British government never made formal recognition of the prisoners' right to political status.

During the 217 days of the protest, ten strikers died; seven from the Provisional IRA and three from the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). Outside the prison, the death toll was considerably worse, with 61 people killed in sectarian violence during the seven months of the strike.

Despite the failure to win all the concessions sought, many republicans viewed the strike as a success. It had attracted massive attention to their cause and led directly to the rebirth of Sinn Fein as a political movement. When Bobby Sands' parliamentary seat was held with an increased majority by his election agent, Owen Carron, it did much to convince key republicans that they should re-enter the political process, using a twin strategy of the "Armalite [a type of gun] and the ballot box" to achieve their aims.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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