The BCD’s 7 Commandments – Extinction of Native Ugandans


March 13TH 2006 Meeting.

The opening remark was; –

Corruption in the BCD is not criminal, but a courtesy responsibility to attain the financial wellness or our successors to downcast the poverty of our fore fathers. – By Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Chairman.

When oil was confirmed in the mid-2000s, the 1993 Rwakitura Covenant 50year Master plan was amended to 100year (Bahima Century Dynasty). The meeting which took place in Rwakitura on March 13th 2006 after the election. The resolutions were: –

  1. The Corporation with Rwanda be improved and downplay all Kisangani conflicts.
  2. Make peace with Besigye as long as Winnie Byanyima forever lives out of Uganda.
  3. Increase the number of districts to decrease political fatigue at the central government as well as expand parliament.
  4. Bring Amama Mbabazi an immigrant Hutu closer to the piloting deck for the coups he has successfully foiled.
  5. Hand over regular civilian security to Kale Kayihura and use it to control Kizza Besigye not to go overboard.
  6. Shift power from the mainstream institutions to projects, authorities and commissions which should be run by biological allies or a trusted social network of BCD.
  7. The Presidential Guard Brigade should form a special unit to monitor wealth inflow and outflow of individuals who do not belong to the BCD – Bahima Century Dynasty.
  8. Block and destroy any educated rich Muganda, Northerner or Easterner. Bonny Katatumba should be categorised equally for his monarchical ideas.
  9. The BCD membership should control all resources in the country.
  10. Train all our children using the most elite education there is in the world.
  11. Uphold this current curricular in all government and private schools for the rest of Ugandan to widen the gap between BCD and all the rest.
  12. Train members of BCD to professionalize oil exploration and trade.
  13. Acquire all resourceful land in the country and tighten the grip on all resources in the country.
  14. Do not allow any politician from the opposition to surpass the position preserved for Besigye.
  15. Do not inter-marry. Hate the northerners, easterners and centrals. Never at any time mix with Muslims. Detest them like faecal matter.
  16. All public property belongs to Dynasty – BCD.
  17. Craft all means available at any cost to maintain power in the circles of the Dynasty – BCD.
  18. The BCD should be encircled by Banyankore, then Bahororo, Bakiga, Tutsi and Hutus.The rest should be workers, drones, slaves and all Muslims invisibles and outcasts.
  19. Shift some of the investments from the west to China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Kuwait.
  20. BCD should grow to a level of controlling a number of factors in the entire great lakes region.
  21. To advance the wealth of BCD, 15% of the National budget should directly be drawn and distributed amongst members of the BCD regardless of their job position or age group as long as one is 18years.
  22. 50% of the National Budget should be drawn into the BCD membership through contracts, projects, salaries, supplies etc…
  23. It is in the mandate of the state of Uganda to protect every member of BCD from any sort of crime be it minor, major, capital or international. BCD should keep clean by using proxies to do the dirty work.
  24. All military power should be under the control of the Dynasty-BCD mainly the president.
  25. Any potential opposition should be restrained by death.

The leadership is as follows: –

  1. Chairman – Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.
  2. Vice Chairman – Sam Kahamba Kutesa.
  3. General Secretary – Janet Kataha Keinembabazi.
  4. Assistant General Secretary (Youth) – Molly Asiimwe.
  5. Secretary for Internal Affairs – Caleb Akandwanaho – Salim Saleh
  6. Secretary for External Affairs – Violet Kajubiri.
  7. Secretary for Children Affairs – Natasha Museveni
  8. Secretary Social Affairs – Chris Kajara.
  9. Secretary for Security – Elly Tumwine.
  10. Deputy Secretary for Security – Sabiti Muzeyi.
  11. Secretary for Investment, Youth Wing – Odrek Rwabogo.
  12. Secretary for Investment, Corporate Wing – Patrick Bitature.
  13. Secretary for Overseas Investments – John Kazzora.
  14. Secretary for Local Investment – Nzeire Kankunda (Toyota)
  15. Secretary for Political Affairs – George Kashakamba.
  16. Head of membership Committee – Molly Kamukama.
  17. Head of Welfare – Allen Kagina.
  18. Deputy head of Welfare – Seth Rukurungu.
  19. Head of Local Contracts – John Nasasira.
  20. Head of Committee for Social Responsibilities and Philanthropy – Kainerugaba Muhoozi.
  21. Head of Innovations – George William Nkiriho.
  22. Head of Quest Ideas – Francis Turyamwijuka.
  23. Head of Supervisory Committee – Chris Rwakakamba.
  24. Head of Education and Culture Prof. Turyamuhika.


  1. All government contracts – Dynasty, BCD.
  2. All Supplies to Operation Wealth Creation – Dynasty, BCD.
  3. All Gorilla tracking permits – Museveni.
  4. Milk Exportation – Museveni.
  5. Fish exportation – Museveni.
  6. Flower exportation – Museveni.
  7. Dams, Railway and Pipeline – Museveni.
  8. Road Construction – Museveni and Janet.
  9. UMEME  MuseveniJanet and Muhoozi.
  10. Gold Mining – Museveni and Janet Kataha.
  11. Tiles manufacturing – Museveni and Salim Saleh.
  12. Uganda Airlines – privately Company owned by Sam Kutesa by law.
  13. Planned Vehicle assembling – Sam Kutesa.
  14. Transport for UN especially UNHCR and WFP-Sam Kutesa.
  15. Water Transportation – Sam Kutesa.
  16. Air Transport – Sam Kutesa.
  17. Government motor vehicle procuring – Sam Kutesa.
  18. Mobile Money Loans – Sam Kutesa and Salim Saleh.
  19. All petroleum reserves in Uganda – Salim Saleh.
  20. Petroleum Imports – Salim Saleh.
  21. All Bajaj motorcycles and spares – Salim Saleh.
  22. Eskom – Kutesa, Saleh and Kataha.
  23. UEDCL – Muhoozi.
  24. All Petroleum Products – Muhoozi K.
  25. All tyres – Muhoozi and Karugire.
  26. Uganda Medical Stores – Muhoozi and Diana Museveni.
  27. Gold refining – Muhoozi, Rwabogo and Karugire.
  28. All Tiger Head Batteries -Karugire.
  29. Beef Exportation – Odrek Rwaboogo.
  30. Airtime printing – Charles Mbiire.
  31. Mobile Money – Bitature and Janet.



  1. 46% of Sudhir’s wealth belong to Museveni in Uganda, East Africa, South Africa, Europe and America.
  2. 72% of Karim Hirji’s wealth belongs to Museveni with 10% left for Janet Kataha.
  3. 44% of all Mukwano’s wealth belongs to Museveni.
  4. 67% of Bidco’s wealth belongs to Museveni.
  5. 49% of Samona belongs to Museveni.
  6. 82% of Quality Chemicals belongs to Museveni.
  7. 70% of Aya Groups belongs to Museveni.
  8. 100% of J&M Hotel belongs to Both Museveni and Janet Kataha.
  9. 13% of Exim Bank Shares belong to Museveni ( $8.63bn).
  10. 41% of Kakira Sugar Works belong to Museveni.
  11. Pearl dairy Farms Limited belongs to Museveni.
  12. GBK Group of Companies – Museveni.


  1. 66% of Mandela’s wealth belongs to Salim Saleh including City Oils and café Javas.
  2. 48% of Tata Motors – Salim Saleh.
  3. 62% of Kinyara Sugar belongs to Salim Saleh
  4. Mansons Uganda Limited belongs to Salim Saleh.
  5. 66% of City Oils belongs to Salim Saleh.
  6. 38% of Eco Bank belongs to Salim Saleh.
  7. Mogus Oils – Salim Saleh.
  8. Heritage Coffee Company Ltd – Salim Saleh
  9. 46% plus 20% of Movit investments belong to Salim Saleh and Muhoozi respectively.


  1. 42% of all Madhivan’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  2. 61% of Patrick Bitature’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  3. 71% of Roofings Limited belongs to Janet Kataha.
  4. 65% of Basajjabalaba’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  5. 80% of Simba Telecom – Janet Kataha.
  6. Garden city – Janet Kataha.
  7. Golf Course Kampala Hotel – Janet Kataha.
  8. Rainbow International School – Janet Kataha.
  9. Protea Hotels East Africa and South Africa belong to Janet and Bitature at 50% each.


  1. Uganda Air Cargo belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  2. 37% of Shoprite belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  3. 91% of Victoria Motors – Sam Kutesa.
  4. Mestil Hotels belong to Sam Kutesa.
  5. Oasis Mall belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  6. Pioneer Transporters – Sam Kutesa.
  7. Logix technical Solutions – Sam Kutesa.


  1. 66% of Ham Kiggundu’s wealth belongs to Muhoozi inclusive of all investments in Uganda, UK, USA and South Africa
  2. 68% of John Bosco’s wealth belongs to Muhoozi including Freedom City.
  3. 77% of Eagle Air belongs to Muhoozi.
  4. Skyjet Airlines belong to Muhoozi.
  5. Orange Telecom – 34% Muhoozi.
  6. Kampala Jelliton Suppliers – Muhoozi.
  7. BPC Chemicals Ltd – Muhoozi.
  8. 41% of Aponyes’ wealth belongs to Muhoozi including Mega Standard Supermarkets.
  9. 80% of Harris International belongs to Muhoozi and Odrek.
  10. Acacia Mall belongs to Muhoozi and Kagame with 50% shares each


  1. 83% of Autocare – Odrek Rwabogo.
  2. 65% of Translink Uganda Limited belong to Odrek and Patience.
  3. 80% of Harris International belongs to Odrek and Muhoozi
  4. Vehicle and Equipment Leasing – Odrek Rwabogo.
  5. Future Link technologies – Odrek Rwabogo.
  6. Picfare Industries – Odrek Rwabogo.
  7. Tiagong Plastics – Odrek Rwabogo.
  8. GM Security – Odrek Rwabogo.
  9. Canada Uganda Recruitment Agency –Odrek Rwabogo.
  10. ZENCH XIN Electronics – Odrek Rwabogo and Sam Kutesa.
  11. Elite Computers Limited- Odrek Rwabogo and Frank Tumwebaze at 50% each.


  1. Sango bay Estates belong to Nzeire.
  2. 51% 0f Toyota Uganda belongs to Nzeire.
  3. Shell Ankole Limited – Nzeire.
  4. Kargo International Ltd – Nzeire.
  5. Mechtools and Equipment – Nzeire and Nasasira.
  1. 55% of Drake Lubega’s wealth belongs to Natasha Museveni and Karugire.
  2. Kazinga Channel Office World – Natasha Museveni
  3. Homeland Holdings – Natasha Museveni.
  4. 72% of Seroma Limited belongs to Diana Museveni.
  5. 61% of Finance Trust Bank belong to Diana Museveni.
  6. Friends Consult – Diana Museveni.
  7. 74% of Pride Micro Finance belongs to Patience Museveni.
  8. Ugafode Micro Finance belongs to Violet Kajubiri.
  9. Afro-Kai limited belongs to Violet Kajubiri.
  10. In-line Print Services – Violet Kajubiri.
  11. Graphic Mutation Ltd – Violet Kajubiri.
  12. Integrated Security Solutions belongs to Elly Tumwine.
  13. Haree hardware Uganda Limited – Elly Tumwine.
  14. Crane Paper bags Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  15. Achelis Uganda Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  16. Crown Bergers Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  17. Prestige Electronics Limited – George Kashakamba
  18. Blu-Cruise Ltd – John Kazora.
  19. Balya Stint Hardware – John Kazora.
  20. Enmarg Group Inc – Molly Kamukama.
  21. Bwik Petroleum Limited – Molly Kamukama.
  22. Starlite Engeneers Ltd – John Nasasira.
  23. Fitzmann Services Ltd – John Nasasira
  24. African Queen Limited – Joyce Kutesa
  25. Mola Medical Center – Molly Asiimwe
  26. Kifaru Chemicals Ltd – Karugire
  27. Birya United Agencies Ltd – Turyamuhika.
  28. Prism office supplies – Turyamwijuka.
  29. Simlaw Seeds Company U ltd – Estel Akandwanaho.
  30. East African Seeds U Ltd – Caleb Akandwanaho Jr.
  31. Transpaper Ltd – Chris Rwakakamba
  32. Fotogenix Ltd – George Nkiriho
  33. Bemuga Forwarders Ltd – Allen Kagina.
  34. Atlas Cargo Systems – Allen Kagina
  35. Security Centre Ltd – Sabiti Muzeyi
  36. Regal Paints – Kashakamba
  37. Kenjoy Entreprises Ltd – Joyce Keinembabazi
  38. 41% Smile Telecom – Bitature.
  39. Banyankore Kweterana Coop Union – Dynasty, BCD


  1. Salim Saleh took over Uganda Railway infrastructure worthy $100m
  2. Museveni takes over Uganda Dairy Cooperation worthy $400m
  3. Muhoozi and Karugire take over Nytil worthy $234m
  4. Salim Saleh, Jovia Saleh franchise DHL using government grant at $220m
  5. Janet and Museveni take over UCB worthy $1.1bn
  6. Sam Kutesa takes over Uganda Airlines and airport services worthy $1.3bn
  7. Salim Saleh takes over Petroleum depots and reserves worthy $768m
  8. Museveni takes over Kisozi land worthy $100m
  9. Sam Kutesa and Nasasira connived and plotted the sinking of MV Kabalenga and MV Mwanga with graders and bull dozers worthy $15m which were supposed to be aboard. The truth was that they loaded one grader on each ship and the rest of the machines were loaded on the trucks to Uganda through Mutukula boarder. They sunk the ships and reported a lie that all the cargo was lost. They have blocked all the efforts to retrieve the ships ever since.
  10. Sam Kutesa rents the government of Uganda two ferries at a cost of Ugx37bn per year for 40years with a sealed contract.
  11. Sam Kutesa gets Pioneer buses at a cost of Ugx16bn grant from government.
  12. Janet gets Ugx169bn from Basajjabalaba market compensation.
  13. Janet, Muhoozi and Saleh get $600m worthy of Uganda telecom shares.
  14. BCD gets a total of $21bn from plundering DR Congo.
  15. Museveni and Kutesa earn a bribe of $5bn in oil deals
  16. BCD earns Ugx110bn per month from courtesy collections from all ministries, government agencies and parastatals.
  17. Museveni and Salim Saleh earned $4.1bn from the war that led to the independence of South Sudan.
  18. Janet earns $13m every month from refugees from South Sudan and $7.2m from refugees from DR Congo
  19. Janet earns $12m every year from the funds used to fight HIV /AIDS.
  20. Muhoozi earns $22m in procurement of drugs for National Medical Stores.
  21. BCD earns Ugx400bn from the road fund in UNRA every year.
  22. URA makes a courtesy contribution of $100m every year to BCD account in the Swiss bank.
  23. BCD supplies food and cloth to prisons, police, military, government schools, and health centres.
  24. Muhoozi, Rwabogo and Tumwebaze procured an old faulty Cancer machine from Romania making loot of $11m.
  25. Muhoozi stole $110m from the ID project under a non-existing Germany company.
  26. Muhoozi embezzled Ugx113bn from Katosi road project.
  27. Odrek Rwabwogo and Tumwebaze acquire USAFI land for Ugx37bn making loot of Ugx30bn.
  28. BCD has grabbed land in the Albertine region and Bunyoro to own 10% of all the oil revenues meaning that BCD will passively earn $1.6bn every year from the petroleum fund.
  29. Museveni and Saleh earned $280m from partitioning Lake Victoria and allocating it to investors.
  30. Janet earns $24m from illegal gold mining in Karamoja and Mubende.
  31. All  the  money  invested  in  the  return  of  Uganda  Airlines amounting to $3bn legally belongs to Kutesa and Museveni.
  32. 7%  of  all  mobile  money  transactions  charges  across  all networks go to the BCD making for them $342m annually.
  33. Every foreign company has to bribe the BCD $0.5m to $3m to operate in Uganda.
  34. Museveni and  Saleh earn $11m  per  month in AMISOM operations in Somalia
  35. The proposed Kampala-Jinja Highway costing $1.2bn to start in
  36. May 2019 has been inflated by $300m or Ugx1.1trn to contribute to NRM/ Museveni 2020/21 presidential campaigns
  37. The proposed hospital in Lubowa to cost Ugx1.3trn loan by government to an investor has also been inflated by Ugx500bn in the bid to raise campaign money. This comes after NRM sponsors from UK and USA communicating in advance that they will not provide any funding to Museveni in 2020/21 polls.
  38. BCD anticipate getting a commission of $2bn in the construction of an oil refinery in Uganda.
  39. BCD anticipate earning $780m from the construction of the pipeline from South Sudan to Tanzania and Kenya.
  40. Kutesa issued Ugandan Passports to Nicholas Maduro’s family, relatives and cronies at a cost of $20m.
  41. On 10th March 2019, the UPDF cargo planes landed in Entebbe carrying 15tonnes of refined gold belonging to Nicholas Maduro.


Okusaba kwabanyarwanda ettaka lya Buganda.


More details coming….  All businesses and properties both local and foreign.


How Land Reform has these days became Uganda’s Most Controversial Problem?

The land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state:

15 October, 2021
By Liam Taylor, a freelance journalist based in Kampala, Uganda.
The Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II of Buganda stands under a shelter during his enthronement ceremony in 1993

KAMPALA, Uganda—When Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni revived a debate about land reform in June, he knew it would provoke a reaction. It’s uncontroversial to say, as Museveni did, that land evictions in the country are a serious problem that must be resolved. But then he specifically homed in on a form of tenure called mailo, found mostly in the Buganda kingdom. “This is an evil system,” he said, antagonizing the Buganda kingdom, which ruled over its lush hills and banana groves for centuries before Uganda even existed. The kabaka (king) of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, countered that such talk was designed to “weaken the kingdom.” Few issues ignite such passion in Uganda today.

Mailo tenure is a complex system that gives landlords and tenants rights in the same piece of land. On one level, the debate is about how to disentangle those interests. The government is considering reforms, with the most radical option being to give tenants full land ownership; the Buganda kingdom, with large landholdings of its own, is skeptical.

But on a deeper level, the land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state. Buganda was a military and economic superpower until it became a protectorate of the British Empire in 1894. In subsequent decades, the British yoked it together with dozens of other pre-colonial states to form modern Uganda. Like tectonic plates, the kingdom and the state have rubbed up against each other ever since. Now, as popular frustration with Museveni grows, the tremors are once again rippling to the surface.


Instead of abolishing the kingdoms they conquered, the British built a colonial state on top of them. They governed Uganda through a system of indirect rule, where kingdoms retained a limited degree of autonomy over internal affairs and administrators from Buganda helped subjugate other regions. When the country gained independence in 1962, this new state was inherited by the nationalist elite, who scorned kingdoms as a relic of the past. An unlikely alliance between Kabaka Edward Muteesa II, who became Uganda’s ceremonial president, and Milton Obote, the prime minister, soon broke down. In 1966, Obote sent troops to attack the palace. The next year, all five kingdoms were abolished.

The young Museveni approved of Obote’s actions. Kingdoms like Buganda were run by “feudal chiefs,” he wrote in his university dissertation, “who are extremely hostile to the revolution.” Yet in 1993, as president, Museveni restored Uganda’s historic kingdoms as “traditional institutions,” according to Ugandan law. It was a pragmatic, popular move: Although he comes from Nkore, in western Uganda, he had fought his way to power from a base in Buganda, drawing on local support.


One of the Acient geographical maps of the State Kingdom of Buganda around the year 1910


Today, Buganda is by far the most powerful of the restored kingdoms, running its own parliament, schools, businesses, and TV station, though it lacks administrative or revenue-raising powers. It commands deep loyalty from its estimated 6 million people, who make up a sixth of Uganda’s population. Like many Ugandans, they have grown disillusioned with Museveni, complaining that jobs, money, and power often go to people from the country’s Western Region, such as the president’s fellow ethnic Banyankole. The kingdom has become a rallying point for those frustrations: After 35 years of Museveni’s rule, it is the strongest power center he has been unable to co-opt.


Mailo land is entangled with this history. In 1900, after deposing the kabaka, Mwanga II, and installing his infant son Daudi Cwa II, British colonialists sat down with Buganda’s chiefs and parceled out Buganda’s land in square miles, or “mailo.” The top chiefs did well, turning land attached to their offices or clans into personal, hereditary estates. The peasants effectively became their tenants. This was, said its critics, “landlordism imported from England.”

Over time, the rights of tenants were strengthened, and the original mailo parcels were divided up and sold on. In 1975, then-President Idi Amin tried to abolish mailo and bring all land under state ownership. The decree was never fully implemented.

The result today is an unusual system of overlapping interests. Tenants cannot lawfully be evicted from a kibanja (plot) as long as they pay busuulu, a nominal rent set by law at 5,000 to 50,000 shillings (about $1.42 to $14) a year. The rate is so low that landlords, who are mostly private individuals, sometimes don’t bother to collect it: A 2017 survey in Buganda’s Mubende and Mityana districts, conducted by the World Bank, found that most tenants were not paying and only half even knew the identity of their landlord.

Museveni’s personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.

“Museveni has made the kibanja holders more important than the landlords,” said Peter Mulira, a lawyer and prominent landowner in Buganda.

On paper, perhaps. In practice, landlords have more power. They often cut informal deals with tenants to divide the land, forcing them into ever smaller plots. Non-collection of rent is sometimes even a deliberate strategy: Without busuulu receipts, tenants have no documented proof of their occupancy and are thus easier to evict. A project run by the German Agency for International Cooperation is trying to address the problem by mapping titles and plots, and residents in the Mityana District already say it has reduced conflict by clarifying their rights and obligations. Meanwhile, Buganda has registered more than 400,000 plots on its own land since 1994 and is encouraging tenants to apply for formal leases—a move that it says will improve tenure security, although some tenants have questioned the costs.

But legal protections can only go so far in a place where land is commodified, administration is corrupt, and evictions are rampant. Landlords who cannot evict tenants simply sell the land to new owners who can: a kleptocratic elite that exploits its connections in politics and the army to kick out occupiers with brute force. “There is a growing culture of impunity and untouchability—a certain class of people that maybe feels they can get around the law,” said Rose Nakayi, a lecturer at Makerere University in Kampala. She was on a team that recently conducted a three-year inquiry into land issues, commissioned by Museveni himself. Their report has never been publicly released, perhaps because its revelations would expose powerful individuals.

Museveni, who styles himself as a defender of tenants, recently appointed the lawyer Sam Mayanja, a long-standing critic of mailo, as junior land minister. “If you want to protect the kibanja holder, give him a title deed,” Mayanja told Foreign Policy. He proposes buying out the landlords and giving the land to those who cultivate it—and thus rectifying, he argued, the colonial injustice by which they became tenants in the first place. The Buganda kingdom, he added, opposes reform because of the money it makes from its own landholdings. “If it is not that selfish motive, how can one explain opposition to giving the majority of your people security of tenure?”


But the kingdom, which derives 89 percent of its income from land, thinks the real aim of reform is to curtail its power. Its official estates cover 536 square miles, or around 6 percent of the land in Buganda, including a swath of the Ugandan capital of Kampala. Hospitals, sewage plants, prisons, barracks, and even part of Museveni’s official residence sit on kingdom land. The government currently owes 216 billion shillings ($61 million) in rent arrears—which the kingdom suspects are withheld for political reasons. Mayanja has added fuel to those fears by alleging that the company managing the kingdom’s lands is doing so illegally (which it denies). David Mpanga, the minister for special duties in the kingdom’s own cabinet, said the government seems more interested in “demonization, name-calling, brinkmanship” than real dialogue.

The kingdom has long been dissatisfied with how it was reinstated in 1993, which some called “byoya bya nswa” (a “white ant’s wings,” or, figuratively, a raw deal). Royalists want a federal system of government in which Buganda would have genuine political powers and the return of thousands more square miles of land from the state. The mailo debate is just one aspect of this struggle about where authority lies. Museveni’s instinct, meanwhile, is to accumulate power, rather than disperse it. His personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.


It is no coincidence that Museveni reignited the mailo issue a few months after Uganda’s general election in January, when the government violently crushed opposition. His main challenger was Bobi Wine, a youthful pop star-turned-politician who himself hails from Buganda. Even according to official results, which are disputed, the singer won two-thirds of the vote there. In the aftermath of the election, Museveni tried to paint Wine’s movement, unfairly, as a narrowly Buganda affair.

In this context, many Baganda people, including peasant occupiers, see mailo reform as a ruse to punish them and steal their land. There seems to be little enthusiasm for the idea among residents of the Mityana and Mukono districts interviewed by Foreign Policy. Dick Mawanda, a former teacher and local councilor in Mukono, acknowledged that land disputes have become commonplace. But to change the land system, he said, would be “lowering the king.” A portrait of the kabaka hangs above his doorway, and his house stands on land titled to a prince.


Is Uganda Returning to the “Dark Days”?

Museveni’s government has a big parliamentary majority. But it faces legal, financial, and political hurdles to any reform. Muwanga Kivumbi, a member of Wine’s National Unity Platform and chair of the Buganda parliamentary caucus, pointed out that many lawmakers own mailo land themselves and so are reluctant to “legislate themselves into landlessness.” And open confrontation with the kingdom is inflammatory: In 2009, riots erupted after police blocked representatives of the kabaka from visiting a disputed part of his kingdom.

The talk of reform may be no more than an empty threat, deployed by Museveni to pull the kingdom into line. Behind the scenes, proposals are already being watered down. Yet the idea will always be there, like a joker in Museveni’s hand, whenever the kingdom demands payment of arrears or pushes for federalism or attempts to intervene on the national stage. Although there are serious discussions to be had about land reform, these will always be subordinate to politics. It is perhaps telling that the loudest voices on both sides are wealthy lawyers, rather than the poor farmers who have the most to gain from a genuine solution.

Still, the debate itself revives unresolved questions about what a genuinely postcolonial politics would look like. Critics of mailo never tire of pointing out its colonial origins. But traditionalists defend it because of its association with the kabaka, whom they see as a more authentic bearer of legitimacy than the Ugandan state. “I’m always wary of people who say that they’re coming to address colonial injustices, but they’re dressed in colonial clothes. They’re living and working in colonial institutions,” said Mpanga, the Buganda minister. “Uganda is a colonial construct.”