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Abavubuka mwenyigire mu bulimi - Kabaka awadde amagezi:

 

8th December, 2014

 

By Dickson Kulumba ne Paddy Bukenya

 

Kabaka ng’awuubira ku bantu be ku mbuga y’eggombolola y’e Buwama mu ssaza ly’e Mawokota e Mpigi ku Lwomukaaga ku mikolo gy’Abavubuka mu Buganda.

 

KABAKA Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II alagidde abavubuka okwongera okwegatta 

beenyigire mu bulimi nga balima ebirime eby’ettunzi okusobola okwekulaakulanya.

Omutanda ng’ali ku mikolo gy’abavubuka mu Buganda ku mbuga y’eggombolola y’e Buwama mu ssaza lya Mawokota mu disitulikiti y’e Mpigi ku Lwomukaaga, yawadde abavubuka amagezi okukozesa ebifo ku masaza ne ku magombolola okukolerako emirimu egy’enjawulo egy’enkulaakulana

n’asiima abatandiseewo emirimu ne bayambako n’abalala okwebeezaawo.

 

 

Ente Omubaka Kenneth Kiyingi Bbosa (Mawokota South) gye yatonedde 

Ssaabasajja ku Lwomukaaga. 

 

Kabaka alagidde abavubuka okwekebeza Kabaka yakubirizza abavubuka okwekuuma:

 

“Omwaka guno tujjukiziddwa ensonga y’ebyobulamu. Abavubuka tusaanye okwekuuma nga tuli balamu, okwekebeza buli mwaka kubanga si kirungi okugenda mu ddwaaliro nga tumaze okugonda ate omuvubuka alina okulya obulungi.”

 

Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga yakunze abavubuka okukozesa emikisa Kabaka gy’abatee

reddewo; mu by’obulimi beekwate BUCADEF n’okuyingira Ssuubiryo Zambogo SACCO.

 

Omulamwa gwabadde; Omuvubuka omulamu ate nga mukozi ye nnamuziga w’enku

laakulana mu Buganda, era wano Minisita w’abavubuka e Mmengo, Henry Ssekabembe, we yategeerezza nga bammemba ba Ssuubiryo Zambogo SACCO bwe batuuse ku 1,500 nga kati balinawo n’obukadde 285.

 

Abamu ku Baamasaza ku mukolo gw’Abavubuka mu Buganda e Mawokota ku Lwomukaaga.

 

Omukolo gwetabyeko; ssentebe w’abavubuka mu Buganda, Richard Kabanda, Kayima David Ssekyeru, Katikkiro eyawummula Dan Mulika, sipiika wa Buganda Nelson Kawalya n’omumyuka we Ahmed Lwasa, Minisita Amelia Kyambadde, Omubaka Kenneth Kiyingi Bbosa (Mawokota South) ssaako baminisita b’e Mmengo, abakulu b’ebika n’Abaamasaza.

Abayimbi; Mathias Walukagga ne Fred Ssebbale be baasanyusiza abantu ba Kabaka.

The first bank in The Ganda Kingdom:

By Henry Lubega
 

Posted  Sunday,1 st March,  2015 

  

Before 1906, there was no banking institution in Uganda until November of the same year when the national Bank of India opened its first branch in Entebbe, and four years later it opened the first bank in Kampala, although it was later taken up to become Grindlys Bank.

The National Bank of India was followed by Standard Bank of South Africa Limited when on September 19, 1912, it opened its first branch in Kampala. And a few years later it opened another branch in Jinja.

Barclays

Barclays followed in 1927 when it opened two branches in Kampala and Jinja. In 1954 three more banks; Bank of Baroda, Bank of India and The Nedelandsche Handel-Maatschappij M.V (Netherlands Trading Society) opened in Uganda.

According to Saben’s commercial directory and handbook of Uganda, as early as 1949 the banking system had been established in Uganda but did not control much of the financial liquidity that was in circulation across the board in the country.

“Much of the money was controlled in the bazaars and other channels which were predominantly controlled by people of the Asian origin. These people played a key role in the buying of cotton.

However, areas where banks were non-existent, merchants in those areas played the part of the banks. This was through taking drafts in exchange for cash or physical items in exchange for hard cash,” Saben wrote.

By 1950, it was realised that to bring more Africans into the business there was need to provide them with credit. Unfortunately, the commercial banks at the time would not extend credit to Africans because of the nature of their securities.

Under Ordinance number 20 of 1950 the Uganda Credit and Saving Bank was created purposely to extend credit facilities to Africans with the aim of furthering agriculture, commercial building and co-operative society purposes.

On October 2, 1950, the bank was opened and by 1961 it had spread to places like Arua, Fort Portal, Jinja, Soroti, Gulu, Masaka and Mbale, taking only African deposits.

Building Society

Two years later, the first Building Society in Uganda was opened as a subsidiary of a Kenyan owned firm Savings and Loans Society Limited. 

More financial institutions continued to open up in Uganda with Lombard Bank from Kenya, in partnership with Uganda Development Corporation, opening the Lombank Uganda Limited in 1958. It was this bank which first introduced the hire purchase system of shopping in Uganda.

It was not until 1966 that through an act of Parliament that Bank of Uganda was created. Prior to this, issues to do with money were handled by the East African currency board which had its head offices in Kenya.

African Traditional Revenue and Taxation:

Money in dollar bills seized from a home of the Commissioner General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority is pictured down: Over 20 bags of it:

 

 

 

OLUKIIKO LWA BAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA

 

OBULANGO

 

Oluguudo Lwa Kabaka Njagala, Mubweenyi

bw'enju ya Kisingiri ewa Musolooza.

 

 

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Ssentebe - 256 712845736 Kla

Muwanika -256

712 810415 Kla

UGANDA.

 

 

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OMUZIRO:

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OMUTAKA

KIDIMBO.

 

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OMUBALA:

Nkerebwe nkulu esima nga eggalira

Olukiiko lwa Buganda lwanjudde embalirira ya buwumbi 7

 

 

The Kabaka of Buganda launches a book on Ssekabaka Muteesa II struggles:

Posted Friday, 27 May, 2016

 

By the Monitor, Uganda

 

Kabaka Mutebi (centre) with Mr Patrick Makumbi (right) and Dr Colin Sentongo (left) at the book launch at Bulange in Mengo, Kampala.

 

 
Kampala in the State Kingdom of Buganda:
Kabaka Ronald Mutebi on Wednesday, 25th May 2016,  launched a book about the struggles of his late father and former Buganda king, Edward Muteesa II, touching on Uganda’s history before and after independence.

The book titled The Brave King, revisits the stories of Muteesa’s exiling, first between 1953 and 1955, and again from 1966 to 1969 when he died in London. The author, Mr Patrick Makumbi, drew from the documents preserved by his father, 99-year-old Thomas Makumbi, who was an official at Mengo, Buganda’s power capital.

“I was very happy to write the preface to this book,” Kabaka Mutebi said, adding: “It will help the readers understand what Kabaka Muteesa went through in those days.”

When Mutesa was exiled in 1953, the older Makumbi, the father of the author, led a team of six Buganda officials to negotiate with the British about the king’s return to Buganda, which was secured in 1955. The other members of the team were Mr Apollo Kironde, Mr Matayo Mugwanya, Mr Amos Sempa, Mr Eridadi Mulira and Mr Ernest Kalibbala.

Kabaka Mutebi, while officiating at the function, called on more people to document what they saw during those days, saying “it is a good thing” that some of those who witnessed or participated in the events are still alive. Muteesa himself wrote about the period in question in his autobiography, The Desecration of my Kingdom, and Kabaka Mutebi’s endorsement of Mr Makumbi’s new book will be seen as an extension of the kingdom’s bid to manage the narrative.

Mr Apollo Makubuya, Buganda’s third deputy Katikkiro, at the launch held at Bulange-Mengo said there have been attempts to misrepresent history by “those who do not like us”.

Accusations and counter accusations of betrayal between Buganda Kingdom and Obote are rooted in a rather happy start, when Buganda’s party Kabaka Yekka (KY) teamed up with Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress to defeat the Democratic Party and form government at independence in 1962.

But the two centres of power soon quarrelled violently and were involved in what many have regarded as a critical turning point in Uganda’s history. The army, on Obote’s orders, stormed Muteesa’s palace on May 24, 1966, killing multitudes and forcing the king-president into exile.

Mr Makubuya said his grandfather was among those killed during the attack, an occasion the kingdom commemorates yearly on May 24. He said in addition to explaining how Buganda and Muteesa suffered during that period, Mr Makumbi’s book will clarify a number of other issues, including how colonialism thwarted Buganda’s development efforts.

He said Buganda stiffly resisted colonialism and the demands of colonial governor Andrew Cohen in particular, to the extent of winning a court case in London against the exiling of Muteesa. In all its efforts, Mr Makubuya said, Buganda was consistently seeking autonomy, and that the kingdom can “never” lose sight of this objective.

Mr Makumbi, the author, said his father could not attend the launch due to old age.

The publication of the book was financed by Dr Colin Sentongo, who said at the launch that KY, which ceased to exist in the 1960s, is the only political party he has ever belonged to.

The fathers of Mr Makumbi and Dr Sentongo met with Muteesa as students at Kings College Budo, from where, Mr Sentongo said, the three men forged a life-long friendship. It is probably much for this reason that Kabaka Mutebi warmed up to Mr Sentongo and Mr Makumbi at the launch.

emukiibi@ug.

nationmedia.com

 

Fiscal Budget y'Ensi Buganda ebiro bino:

Posted 7th July, 2014

 

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Omuwanika wa Buganda, Eve Nagawa Mukasa

 

Omukyala Eve asomye embalirira y’Obwakabaka bwa Buganda eya 2014/2015 nga ya buwumbi 7 (7,411,638,600/-) . 

Embalirira eno eri wansi w’omulamwa 'Okwolesebwa n’Ebigendererwa' egendereddwamu okutumbula enkulaakulana okuli; okumaliriza Amasiro g’e Kasubi ne Wamala, Masengere, okulongoosa Ennyanja ya Kabaka, okussawo etterekero ly’ebyedda, okukulaakulanya ettaka ly’e Kigo ne Makindye 'State Lodge', okuzimba olubiri lw’omulangira Juma Katebe, okuzimba olubiri lwa Namasole, okuddaabiriza embuga z’Amasaza wamu n’okuzimba eddwaliro ly’abakyala.

 

Nagawa yagambye nti ensimbi zino zisuubirwa okuva mu Buganda Land Board, Amasomero, Minisitule ez’enjawulo, mu bupangisa, amakampuni g’Obwakabaka, ebitongole ebigaba obuyambi n’obuwumbi buna okuva mu Gavumenti eya wakati.

 

Ng’ayogera mu lukiiko luno, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga yasabye abantu okutambulira ku kiragiro kya Kabaka eky’abantu okujjumbiro ebifo by’obulambuzi era n'ategeza nti pulojekiti zonna Obwakabaka ze butandiseeko ssi zaakukoma mu kkubo, zirina okumalirizibwa n’olwekyo enkola y’okunoonya Ettoffaali ekyagenda mu maaso kubanga Kabaka ayitibwa mufumbya Gganda n'antabalirira batyabi- ensimbi zikyetaagisa.

 

Olukiiko luno lwetabiddwamu abakiise bangi ddala ne baminisita ba Kabaka nga lwakubiriziddwa, Sipiika Nelson Kawalya eyagambye nti embalirira eno abakiise basaanye okugenda n’ekiwandiiko kino, bwe banakomawo mu lukiiko luno basobole okugiyisa.

AMABANJA GENSI ZONNA WANO E BUGANDA AT NE UGANDA GANASASULWA GATYA?

How Land Reform has these days became Uganda’s Most Controversial Problem?

The land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state:

15 October, 2021
 
By Liam Taylor, a freelance journalist based in Kampala, Uganda.
 
The Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II of Buganda stands under a shelter during his enthronement ceremony in 1993
 

KAMPALA, Uganda—When Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni revived a debate about land reform in June, he knew it would provoke a reaction. It’s uncontroversial to say, as Museveni did, that land evictions in the country are a serious problem that must be resolved. But then he specifically homed in on a form of tenure called mailo, found mostly in the Buganda kingdom. “This is an evil system,” he said, antagonizing the Buganda kingdom, which ruled over its lush hills and banana groves for centuries before Uganda even existed. The kabaka (king) of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, countered that such talk was designed to “weaken the kingdom.” Few issues ignite such passion in Uganda today.

Mailo tenure is a complex system that gives landlords and tenants rights in the same piece of land. On one level, the debate is about how to disentangle those interests. The government is considering reforms, with the most radical option being to give tenants full land ownership; the Buganda kingdom, with large landholdings of its own, is skeptical.

But on a deeper level, the land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state. Buganda was a military and economic superpower until it became a protectorate of the British Empire in 1894. In subsequent decades, the British yoked it together with dozens of other pre-colonial states to form modern Uganda. Like tectonic plates, the kingdom and the state have rubbed up against each other ever since. Now, as popular frustration with Museveni grows, the tremors are once again rippling to the surface.

 

Instead of abolishing the kingdoms they conquered, the British built a colonial state on top of them. They governed Uganda through a system of indirect rule, where kingdoms retained a limited degree of autonomy over internal affairs and administrators from Buganda helped subjugate other regions. When the country gained independence in 1962, this new state was inherited by the nationalist elite, who scorned kingdoms as a relic of the past. An unlikely alliance between Kabaka Edward Muteesa II, who became Uganda’s ceremonial president, and Milton Obote, the prime minister, soon broke down. In 1966, Obote sent troops to attack the palace. The next year, all five kingdoms were abolished.

The young Museveni approved of Obote’s actions. Kingdoms like Buganda were run by “feudal chiefs,” he wrote in his university dissertation, “who are extremely hostile to the revolution.” Yet in 1993, as president, Museveni restored Uganda’s historic kingdoms as “traditional institutions,” according to Ugandan law. It was a pragmatic, popular move: Although he comes from Nkore, in western Uganda, he had fought his way to power from a base in Buganda, drawing on local support.

 

One of the Acient geographical maps of the State Kingdom of Buganda around the year 1910

 

Today, Buganda is by far the most powerful of the restored kingdoms, running its own parliament, schools, businesses, and TV station, though it lacks administrative or revenue-raising powers. It commands deep loyalty from its estimated 6 million people, who make up a sixth of Uganda’s population. Like many Ugandans, they have grown disillusioned with Museveni, complaining that jobs, money, and power often go to people from the country’s Western Region, such as the president’s fellow ethnic Banyankole. The kingdom has become a rallying point for those frustrations: After 35 years of Museveni’s rule, it is the strongest power center he has been unable to co-opt.

 

Mailo land is entangled with this history. In 1900, after deposing the kabaka, Mwanga II, and installing his infant son Daudi Cwa II, British colonialists sat down with Buganda’s chiefs and parceled out Buganda’s land in square miles, or “mailo.” The top chiefs did well, turning land attached to their offices or clans into personal, hereditary estates. The peasants effectively became their tenants. This was, said its critics, “landlordism imported from England.”

Over time, the rights of tenants were strengthened, and the original mailo parcels were divided up and sold on. In 1975, then-President Idi Amin tried to abolish mailo and bring all land under state ownership. The decree was never fully implemented.

The result today is an unusual system of overlapping interests. Tenants cannot lawfully be evicted from a kibanja (plot) as long as they pay busuulu, a nominal rent set by law at 5,000 to 50,000 shillings (about $1.42 to $14) a year. The rate is so low that landlords, who are mostly private individuals, sometimes don’t bother to collect it: A 2017 survey in Buganda’s Mubende and Mityana districts, conducted by the World Bank, found that most tenants were not paying and only half even knew the identity of their landlord.

Museveni’s personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.

“Museveni has made the kibanja holders more important than the landlords,” said Peter Mulira, a lawyer and prominent landowner in Buganda.

On paper, perhaps. In practice, landlords have more power. They often cut informal deals with tenants to divide the land, forcing them into ever smaller plots. Non-collection of rent is sometimes even a deliberate strategy: Without busuulu receipts, tenants have no documented proof of their occupancy and are thus easier to evict. A project run by the German Agency for International Cooperation is trying to address the problem by mapping titles and plots, and residents in the Mityana District already say it has reduced conflict by clarifying their rights and obligations. Meanwhile, Buganda has registered more than 400,000 plots on its own land since 1994 and is encouraging tenants to apply for formal leases—a move that it says will improve tenure security, although some tenants have questioned the costs.

But legal protections can only go so far in a place where land is commodified, administration is corrupt, and evictions are rampant. Landlords who cannot evict tenants simply sell the land to new owners who can: a kleptocratic elite that exploits its connections in politics and the army to kick out occupiers with brute force. “There is a growing culture of impunity and untouchability—a certain class of people that maybe feels they can get around the law,” said Rose Nakayi, a lecturer at Makerere University in Kampala. She was on a team that recently conducted a three-year inquiry into land issues, commissioned by Museveni himself. Their report has never been publicly released, perhaps because its revelations would expose powerful individuals.

Museveni, who styles himself as a defender of tenants, recently appointed the lawyer Sam Mayanja, a long-standing critic of mailo, as junior land minister. “If you want to protect the kibanja holder, give him a title deed,” Mayanja told Foreign Policy. He proposes buying out the landlords and giving the land to those who cultivate it—and thus rectifying, he argued, the colonial injustice by which they became tenants in the first place. The Buganda kingdom, he added, opposes reform because of the money it makes from its own landholdings. “If it is not that selfish motive, how can one explain opposition to giving the majority of your people security of tenure?”

 

But the kingdom, which derives 89 percent of its income from land, thinks the real aim of reform is to curtail its power. Its official estates cover 536 square miles, or around 6 percent of the land in Buganda, including a swath of the Ugandan capital of Kampala. Hospitals, sewage plants, prisons, barracks, and even part of Museveni’s official residence sit on kingdom land. The government currently owes 216 billion shillings ($61 million) in rent arrears—which the kingdom suspects are withheld for political reasons. Mayanja has added fuel to those fears by alleging that the company managing the kingdom’s lands is doing so illegally (which it denies). David Mpanga, the minister for special duties in the kingdom’s own cabinet, said the government seems more interested in “demonization, name-calling, brinkmanship” than real dialogue.

The kingdom has long been dissatisfied with how it was reinstated in 1993, which some called “byoya bya nswa” (a “white ant’s wings,” or, figuratively, a raw deal). Royalists want a federal system of government in which Buganda would have genuine political powers and the return of thousands more square miles of land from the state. The mailo debate is just one aspect of this struggle about where authority lies. Museveni’s instinct, meanwhile, is to accumulate power, rather than disperse it. His personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.

 

It is no coincidence that Museveni reignited the mailo issue a few months after Uganda’s general election in January, when the government violently crushed opposition. His main challenger was Bobi Wine, a youthful pop star-turned-politician who himself hails from Buganda. Even according to official results, which are disputed, the singer won two-thirds of the vote there. In the aftermath of the election, Museveni tried to paint Wine’s movement, unfairly, as a narrowly Buganda affair.

In this context, many Baganda people, including peasant occupiers, see mailo reform as a ruse to punish them and steal their land. There seems to be little enthusiasm for the idea among residents of the Mityana and Mukono districts interviewed by Foreign Policy. Dick Mawanda, a former teacher and local councilor in Mukono, acknowledged that land disputes have become commonplace. But to change the land system, he said, would be “lowering the king.” A portrait of the kabaka hangs above his doorway, and his house stands on land titled to a prince.

 

Is Uganda Returning to the “Dark Days”?

Museveni’s government has a big parliamentary majority. But it faces legal, financial, and political hurdles to any reform. Muwanga Kivumbi, a member of Wine’s National Unity Platform and chair of the Buganda parliamentary caucus, pointed out that many lawmakers own mailo land themselves and so are reluctant to “legislate themselves into landlessness.” And open confrontation with the kingdom is inflammatory: In 2009, riots erupted after police blocked representatives of the kabaka from visiting a disputed part of his kingdom.

The talk of reform may be no more than an empty threat, deployed by Museveni to pull the kingdom into line. Behind the scenes, proposals are already being watered down. Yet the idea will always be there, like a joker in Museveni’s hand, whenever the kingdom demands payment of arrears or pushes for federalism or attempts to intervene on the national stage. Although there are serious discussions to be had about land reform, these will always be subordinate to politics. It is perhaps telling that the loudest voices on both sides are wealthy lawyers, rather than the poor farmers who have the most to gain from a genuine solution.

Still, the debate itself revives unresolved questions about what a genuinely postcolonial politics would look like. Critics of mailo never tire of pointing out its colonial origins. But traditionalists defend it because of its association with the kabaka, whom they see as a more authentic bearer of legitimacy than the Ugandan state. “I’m always wary of people who say that they’re coming to address colonial injustices, but they’re dressed in colonial clothes. They’re living and working in colonial institutions,” said Mpanga, the Buganda minister. “Uganda is a colonial construct.”

 
 
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