The Electoral Commissioner chairman of Uganda has advised the national voters not to fear the presence of armed soldiers during the approaching 2026 National Elections:

"Don’t feel intimidated by the soldiers of Uganda."


Written by World Media



The heavily armed soldiers of Uganda at a democratic polling station


As the country prepares for the 2026 general elections, the chairperson of the Electoral Commission, Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama, has reassured Ugandans not to feel intimidated by the presence of the military during elections.

Instead, he urges them to appreciate the military’s role in upholding peace and security during the electoral process. This statement was made during a media interview after the chairman attended the IGAD Youth Symposium organized at Makerere University. Justice Byabakama explained that the constitution allows the police to call for the deployment of other security organs during elections if necessary.
“In Uganda, you can’t hold elections without using the security organs, that’s why we always use the police. However, the constitution allows the police to use other enforcement as they are doing their work, but we as the commission always caution them to follow the law as they do their work,” he said.
He also mentioned that the commission frequently receives complaints about military involvement in elections, often overtaking the work of the Electoral Commission. However, he urged people to provide evidence so that these cases can be followed up. Concerns about army brutality and vote rigging during elections have been raised by Ugandans in the past.

For instance, during the Oyam by-election last year, unidentified individuals suspected to be from the military allegedly attacked Wang Lobo polling station, resulting in disorder and confusion. Eyewitnesses reported that armed men held the presiding officer at gunpoint and pre-ticked five booklets containing 250 ballots.

Byabakama emphasized that such incidents are against the law and those involved should be investigated and charged individually. He advised Ugandans to respect the roles of security services, abide by the regulations issued by the commission regarding the conduct of elections, and not fear the military.
“People shouldn’t fear the military because they are our sons, daughters, and fellow Ugandans. If you have done nothing wrong, there is no need to fear the army or the police because they are there to carry out their constitutional duties,” he said.

He also promised to facilitate a dialogue between political parties and security organs to prevent the recurrence of such unfortunate episodes during elections. Furthermore, Byabakama updated the public on the Electoral Commission’s upcoming election roadmap, which was released last year. The commission will begin with the demarcation of electoral areas and the reorganization of polling stations next month, following the allocation of funds in the recently released budget for the financial year 2024/2025.


Byabakama also spoke at the main event organized by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), in collaboration with the Electoral Commission and the National Youth Council. The event, held at Makerere University, aimed to empower youth leaders with the knowledge and skills necessary to safeguard peace and security during elections in Uganda.
According to available statistics, the youth constitute about 70 per cent of the population, and as of April 2024, registered voters aged 18 to 30 numbered 5,884,375 out of a total of 18,511,600 registered voters.
This number is expected to rise when the Electoral Commission updates the National Voter’s Register in January 2025, highlighting the pivotal role the youth play in Uganda’s politics and the need for their sensitization to make informed decisions.

In his speech, the chief guest Justice Byabakama, chairperson of the Electoral Commission, emphasized the importance of youth participation in Uganda’s affairs, recognizing the demographic majority that young people represent in the country and across Africa. He underscored the need to harness the energy, vibrancy, enthusiasm, creativity, and innovativeness of the youth to contribute meaningfully to democratic development and socio-economic transformation.
Byabakama stressed the importance of enhancing youth engagement in the electoral process in a constructive manner.

“Youth participation not only positively impacts democratic governance and socio-economic development but also expands the democratic space, fosters inclusivity, and brings forth the boundless potential of young individuals into political and governance processes,” he said.

Furthermore, he expressed concern about the phenomenon of the commercialization of elections, highlighting the detrimental effects it has on the democratic process in Uganda. Byabakama mentioned the alarming trend where individuals aspiring for political office are required to possess significant financial resources, often ranging from hundreds of millions to billions of shillings, to fund their campaigns and secure victory.


“I am told that someone attempting to contest for parliament must have a sack of between Shs 500 million and 1 billion. This rapid commercialization of politics is a deterrent for the youth. Where will they get the 500 million? And secondly, what caliber of leader are you going to choose, and is our democracy now to the highest bidder?” he said.
He called for a collective effort to address this issue and urged the youth to denounce the practice of buying and selling political influence. He stressed the importance of sensitizing young people about government initiatives aimed at addressing economic challenges, which often lead to feelings of anger, bitterness, and a lack of appreciation among the youth.
Counsel Innocent Ndahirwe, one of the keynote speakers, highlighted the need to recognize and reward the efforts of young individuals who have made significant progress in ensuring a peaceful electoral process and a stable future for Uganda.
He acknowledged the contributions of various organizations and entities, such as the Electoral Commission, the National Youth Council, and the IGAD Youth Forum for Peace, in fostering proactive youth engagement and participation in conflict prevention and peace-building efforts at both national and regional levels.

“IGAD, collaborating with various programs, contributes to the development of strategies that engage young people in economic, social, and political spheres,” he said.

Dr. Mercy Kobusigye, serving as the leader of the IGAD Youth Forum for Peace, Uganda chapter, stated that the establishment of the Youth Forum for Peace is a regional platform aimed at giving youth a voice in decision-making processes and mobilizing them for peace initiatives at national and regional levels. This platform inspires youth to be change-makers and promotes social cohesion and development agendas within their countries.


As the picture in this article shows, how can one feel when in this process of electing a leader a man or a brother or sister comes along wearing a military uniform and straped on the back with a military weapon? The Kingdom state of Buganda cannot accept any more such a process of formulating central government. As it is now clear all over the continent of Africa, African leadership want to stay put in state power until Jesus comes back to earth. In one hand they hold the gun and on the other the democratic votes of rigged elections. If the Buganda Kingdom state continues in such endeavour, it does so at its own peril. Such government derogatory messages that encourage the citizens of this country to continue to participate in rigged elections have only encouraged many to boycott Uganda national elections. It is unfortunate that the Kabaka of Buganda who did so much to upgrade the struggles of the NRM to international standard is camatose, inactive and very far from his people who gave their life so that Uganda national elections must be free and fair. The King of Buganda if he is not deported as usual out of His country like what used to happen to his fore parents, he should be at home recuperating amongst his kith and kin. As such a national process is unfair and not free, the Kingdom state must no longer participate in such a process. Most of the Ganda citizens should seriously remember that sorrowful tune in the 1966/70: Nnebatubuzabuza Mpozzi nga Omulangira omuwanvu omulungi taliyo, as King Freddie dejected, lost, lay dead in England!



President Museveni of Uganda continues to give away legitimate Buganda state Kingdom territories anyhow as the African owners unhappily keep quiet: 



By World Media


The long serving President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda


President Yoweri Museveni has canceled the land offer to Makerere University in Nakasongola district following protests from the occupants.

In 1989, President Yoweri Museveni instructed the then ministry of Lands and Surveys to allocate 10 square miles of land to enable them to set income-generating activities and education multi-faced agricultural projects.


The ministry of Lands identified the five square miles at government ranching schemes in Nakasongola district and another five square miles at the Ssingo ranching scheme which they offered to Makerere. The ministry of Lands then offered land at blocks 9B and 9C at Buruuli ranching schemes located in Wabinyonyi and Kakooge sub-counties in Nakasongola.

However, to date, Makerere University hasn't yet taken possession of the land. On September 22, 2023, Prof Barnabas Nawangwe the vice chancellor of Makerere University wrote to the Nakasongola resident district commissioner asking him to convene a security meeting to brief them about the president’s directive. In October, Makerere University officials visited the land where they found that it was already occupied by the people.

Earlier on June 12, 2023, Nawangwe also wrote minister of Education and Sports Janet Kataaha Museveni informing her about how the process to acquire the land had dragged on and appealing to her to direct the ministry of Agriculture to issue an allocation letter to the university to complete the tilting of the land.

On June 15, Ms Museveni wrote to the minister of Agriculture asking to help the university to secure an allocation letter to complete the process. However, on October 27, the residents wrote to President Museveni asking him to cancel the offer and allocate Makerere University land elsewhere.

Through their leaders; Lugogo LC I Edward Katuramu, John Katwire the chairperson of Kabakazi LC I and Francis Bukenya the LCI chairperson of Nalubaale village in Wabinyonyi sub county, the residents told Museveni that the take over of land by Makerere would displace about 120 households and their 3000 heads of cattle as well as 2000 goats.


The petitioners claimed that they settled on the land 28 years ago after acquiring it through the Ranches Restructuring program led by former minister John Nasasira in 1995. The petitioners also told Museveni that some had already acquired titles on the land and developed it which was unfair to evict them to pave the way for the Makerere University project.

Museveni has now written to his wife ordering that the land be left to the current occupants and Makerere be given alternative land outside Nakasongola. According to his letter dated November 27, 2023, Museveni said that the people in Buruuli have suffered a lot during British colonialism and Mengo sub-colonialism.

He added that it’s the NRM government that rescued the Baruuli by giving them a district where they could speak their language for the first time since 1900, govern their local government, and if some of them have been the land they should keep it.

“By copy of this letter, I direct Prime Minister and Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development to get Makerere University an alternative land outside Buruuli,” Museveni said in his letter.

The letter was also copied to vice president, Public Service minister Muruli Mukasa who is a resident of Nakasongola district and chairperson of the Land Commission. Sam Kigula the LC V chairperson of Nakasongola district says that through Muruli Mukasa they have been notified about the president’s decision and they welcomed it.

“We thank President Museveni for recognizing the historical injustices against the Baruuli and this is a great step to enable us to acquire land as well as correct them. 95 per cent of residents in Nakasongola are landless and it was unfair to evict the few who rightfully acquired land titles through government ranching structuring program,” Kigula said.

Edward Katuramu the lead petitioner said that they are excited that Museveni received their complaints and acted swiftly to block their eviction from the land.

“It was unfair to force us to leave the land where we have invested so much and lived for years. We thank the president for being honest and ordering Makerere University to stop the planned eviction. We acknowledge the work done by Makerere University but they can get alternative land for their activities,” Katuramu said.

Efforts to seek comment from Nawangwe and the ministry of Education public spokesperson, Denis Mugimba were unsuccessful since he didn’t pick up our repeated calls.

This is the second time Museveni has given away public land to people in Nakasongola. In December 2019, Museveni ordered the degazettement of Kyarubanga forest reserve in Nakasongola district to settle landless households. The eight-square-mile forest reserve stretches to four sub-counties including Wabinyonyi, Lwabiyata, Lwampanga, and Nabiswera. Over 2000 people have been resettled on the land since the directive was issued.


So now what and where exactly is the Pan-African NRM sub- colonial empire situated? Because one understands that the former Kingdom state of Buganda, presently declared no longer in existance and Kampala an African international city and its surroundings are just central districts of a new African empire! Where every Tom and Harry can come from anywhere and make an international legitimate settlement! This must be the fault of the liberal Mengo establishment, who have not come forward to put down their foot over what territory belongs to the Ganda people of this Ancient African Kingdom state.

It is even clearly shown in the Luweero bush and forest civil war media of the Luweero triangle 1980/86. King Mutebi gracing the occassion of inviting Museveni and his international mercenaries to roam the lands of the Ganda fraternity and Kingdom state. However, one understands that these immigrant and vicious African mercenaries have for 40 years broken every part of the written agreement that was negotiated on as it was with colonial Britain, Obote 1, Obote 2, Amin, Lule, Tito Okello, Muwanga, Ssemwogerere, and many more of the historical aspiring governors of Uganda!


Omukungu akulira oludda oluvuganya government ya President Museveni mu Parliament ya Uganda asabye ababaka be okwetaba mubukiiko bwolukiiko lwa Uganda yonna luno, nga bulijjo bwebabadde bakola:



28 November, 2023



World Media



AKULIRA oludda oluwabula gavumenti mu palamenti ya Uganda Mathias Mpuuga.



Omukungu ono ayambalidde ba ssentebe  b’obukiiko buno mu palamenti ya Uganda bagambye nti begeziwaza nebatuuka okugoba ababaka mu bukiiko buno.

Eggulo ababaka okuli: ow’e Bamunaanika, Robert Ssekitoleko n’owa Ndorwa East Wilfred Nuwagaba bafauumuddwa mu kakiiko ka palamenti ak’ebyamateeka era nga babadde tebannabugumya butebe, eyakoze nga ssentebe w’akakiiiko Fox Odoi n'abategeezza nti balina okugondera ekiragiro kya sipiika n’obukiiko ne batabwetabamu.


Wabula ekyewuunyisa ate mu kakiiko ka palamenti akasunsula ababeera balondeddwa pulezidenti nga kano kakubirizibwa amyuka sipiika wa palamenti Anita Among, eggulo kasunsudde omulamuzi Elizabeth Musoke era nga mu lutuula olwo Mpuuga yalwetabyemu bulungi.

Mu lukungaana lwa bannamawulire lw'atuuzizza ku palamenti olwaleero, Mpuuga agambye nti baazira ntuula za palamenti zokka era ne bakkaanya okusingala nga bakola emirimu gyabwe mu bukiiko nga yeewuunya okuba ng'eyawa ekiragiro teyamugobye mu kyokka ate ne wabaawo bassentebe b’obukiiko abeefudde abategeera ennyo ne bagoba ababaka.

Aggumiza ku kiragiro kye n'alagira ababaka be okugenda maaso nga batuula mu bukiiko bwabwe kubanga ekyo kye basalawo.

Ku ky’ebibiina okuli ekya FDC ne DP okulagira ababaka baabwe okudda mu palamenti bagoberere ensonga z’embalirira n’ebigenda maaso, Mpuuga agambye nti balabika ekyokukola tebakimanyi bawe omukisa bbo abategeera babategeerere.

“Abukulembezze b'ebibiina kyenjagala okubategeezza nti ensonga bagikwate n’obwegendereza. Bayinza okwesanga nga bakulembedde ntebe zaabwe na bizimbe so si babaka. Si nze njagala ababaka okujeemera ebibiina byabwe naye ensonga eziriwo abakulembezze abo bwe bataazikwate na bwegendereza ziyinza okubalakira ne beekanga nga n’entebe zaabwe tebazirina,'' Mpuuga bw'ategeezezza.







The BCD’s 7 Commandments – Extinction of Native Ugandans


March 13TH 2006 Meeting.

The opening remark was; –

Corruption in the BCD is not criminal, but a courtesy responsibility to attain the financial wellness or our successors to downcast the poverty of our fore fathers. – By Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Chairman.

When oil was confirmed in the mid-2000s, the 1993 Rwakitura Covenant 50year Master plan was amended to 100year (Bahima Century Dynasty). The meeting which took place in Rwakitura on March 13th 2006 after the election. The resolutions were: –

  1. The Corporation with Rwanda be improved and downplay all Kisangani conflicts.
  2. Make peace with Besigye as long as Winnie Byanyima forever lives out of Uganda.
  3. Increase the number of districts to decrease political fatigue at the central government as well as expand parliament.
  4. Bring Amama Mbabazi an immigrant Hutu closer to the piloting deck for the coups he has successfully foiled.
  5. Hand over regular civilian security to Kale Kayihura and use it to control Kizza Besigye not to go overboard.
  6. Shift power from the mainstream institutions to projects, authorities and commissions which should be run by biological allies or a trusted social network of BCD.
  7. The Presidential Guard Brigade should form a special unit to monitor wealth inflow and outflow of individuals who do not belong to the BCD – Bahima Century Dynasty.
  8. Block and destroy any educated rich Muganda, Northerner or Easterner. Bonny Katatumba should be categorised equally for his monarchical ideas.
  9. The BCD membership should control all resources in the country.
  10. Train all our children using the most elite education there is in the world.
  11. Uphold this current curricular in all government and private schools for the rest of Ugandan to widen the gap between BCD and all the rest.
  12. Train members of BCD to professionalize oil exploration and trade.
  13. Acquire all resourceful land in the country and tighten the grip on all resources in the country.
  14. Do not allow any politician from the opposition to surpass the position preserved for Besigye.
  15. Do not inter-marry. Hate the northerners, easterners and centrals. Never at any time mix with Muslims. Detest them like faecal matter.
  16. All public property belongs to Dynasty – BCD.
  17. Craft all means available at any cost to maintain power in the circles of the Dynasty – BCD.
  18. The BCD should be encircled by Banyankore, then Bahororo, Bakiga, Tutsi and Hutus.The rest should be workers, drones, slaves and all Muslims invisibles and outcasts.
  19. Shift some of the investments from the west to China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Kuwait.
  20. BCD should grow to a level of controlling a number of factors in the entire great lakes region.
  21. To advance the wealth of BCD, 15% of the National budget should directly be drawn and distributed amongst members of the BCD regardless of their job position or age group as long as one is 18years.
  22. 50% of the National Budget should be drawn into the BCD membership through contracts, projects, salaries, supplies etc…
  23. It is in the mandate of the state of Uganda to protect every member of BCD from any sort of crime be it minor, major, capital or international. BCD should keep clean by using proxies to do the dirty work.
  24. All military power should be under the control of the Dynasty-BCD mainly the president.
  25. Any potential opposition should be restrained by death.

The leadership is as follows: –

  1. Chairman – Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.
  2. Vice Chairman – Sam Kahamba Kutesa.
  3. General Secretary – Janet Kataha Keinembabazi.
  4. Assistant General Secretary (Youth) – Molly Asiimwe.
  5. Secretary for Internal Affairs – Caleb Akandwanaho – Salim Saleh
  6. Secretary for External Affairs – Violet Kajubiri.
  7. Secretary for Children Affairs – Natasha Museveni
  8. Secretary Social Affairs – Chris Kajara.
  9. Secretary for Security – Elly Tumwine.
  10. Deputy Secretary for Security – Sabiti Muzeyi.
  11. Secretary for Investment, Youth Wing – Odrek Rwabogo.
  12. Secretary for Investment, Corporate Wing – Patrick Bitature.
  13. Secretary for Overseas Investments – John Kazzora.
  14. Secretary for Local Investment – Nzeire Kankunda (Toyota)
  15. Secretary for Political Affairs – George Kashakamba.
  16. Head of membership Committee – Molly Kamukama.
  17. Head of Welfare – Allen Kagina.
  18. Deputy head of Welfare – Seth Rukurungu.
  19. Head of Local Contracts – John Nasasira.
  20. Head of Committee for Social Responsibilities and Philanthropy – Kainerugaba Muhoozi.
  21. Head of Innovations – George William Nkiriho.
  22. Head of Quest Ideas – Francis Turyamwijuka.
  23. Head of Supervisory Committee – Chris Rwakakamba.
  24. Head of Education and Culture Prof. Turyamuhika.


  1. All government contracts – Dynasty, BCD.
  2. All Supplies to Operation Wealth Creation – Dynasty, BCD.
  3. All Gorilla tracking permits – Museveni.
  4. Milk Exportation – Museveni.
  5. Fish exportation – Museveni.
  6. Flower exportation – Museveni.
  7. Dams, Railway and Pipeline – Museveni.
  8. Road Construction – Museveni and Janet.
  9. UMEME  MuseveniJanet and Muhoozi.
  10. Gold Mining – Museveni and Janet Kataha.
  11. Tiles manufacturing – Museveni and Salim Saleh.
  12. Uganda Airlines – privately Company owned by Sam Kutesa by law.
  13. Planned Vehicle assembling – Sam Kutesa.
  14. Transport for UN especially UNHCR and WFP-Sam Kutesa.
  15. Water Transportation – Sam Kutesa.
  16. Air Transport – Sam Kutesa.
  17. Government motor vehicle procuring – Sam Kutesa.
  18. Mobile Money Loans – Sam Kutesa and Salim Saleh.
  19. All petroleum reserves in Uganda – Salim Saleh.
  20. Petroleum Imports – Salim Saleh.
  21. All Bajaj motorcycles and spares – Salim Saleh.
  22. Eskom – Kutesa, Saleh and Kataha.
  23. UEDCL – Muhoozi.
  24. All Petroleum Products – Muhoozi K.
  25. All tyres – Muhoozi and Karugire.
  26. Uganda Medical Stores – Muhoozi and Diana Museveni.
  27. Gold refining – Muhoozi, Rwabogo and Karugire.
  28. All Tiger Head Batteries -Karugire.
  29. Beef Exportation – Odrek Rwaboogo.
  30. Airtime printing – Charles Mbiire.
  31. Mobile Money – Bitature and Janet.



  1. 46% of Sudhir’s wealth belong to Museveni in Uganda, East Africa, South Africa, Europe and America.
  2. 72% of Karim Hirji’s wealth belongs to Museveni with 10% left for Janet Kataha.
  3. 44% of all Mukwano’s wealth belongs to Museveni.
  4. 67% of Bidco’s wealth belongs to Museveni.
  5. 49% of Samona belongs to Museveni.
  6. 82% of Quality Chemicals belongs to Museveni.
  7. 70% of Aya Groups belongs to Museveni.
  8. 100% of J&M Hotel belongs to Both Museveni and Janet Kataha.
  9. 13% of Exim Bank Shares belong to Museveni ( $8.63bn).
  10. 41% of Kakira Sugar Works belong to Museveni.
  11. Pearl dairy Farms Limited belongs to Museveni.
  12. GBK Group of Companies – Museveni.


  1. 66% of Mandela’s wealth belongs to Salim Saleh including City Oils and café Javas.
  2. 48% of Tata Motors – Salim Saleh.
  3. 62% of Kinyara Sugar belongs to Salim Saleh
  4. Mansons Uganda Limited belongs to Salim Saleh.
  5. 66% of City Oils belongs to Salim Saleh.
  6. 38% of Eco Bank belongs to Salim Saleh.
  7. Mogus Oils – Salim Saleh.
  8. Heritage Coffee Company Ltd – Salim Saleh
  9. 46% plus 20% of Movit investments belong to Salim Saleh and Muhoozi respectively.


  1. 42% of all Madhivan’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  2. 61% of Patrick Bitature’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  3. 71% of Roofings Limited belongs to Janet Kataha.
  4. 65% of Basajjabalaba’s wealth belongs to Janet Kataha.
  5. 80% of Simba Telecom – Janet Kataha.
  6. Garden city – Janet Kataha.
  7. Golf Course Kampala Hotel – Janet Kataha.
  8. Rainbow International School – Janet Kataha.
  9. Protea Hotels East Africa and South Africa belong to Janet and Bitature at 50% each.


  1. Uganda Air Cargo belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  2. 37% of Shoprite belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  3. 91% of Victoria Motors – Sam Kutesa.
  4. Mestil Hotels belong to Sam Kutesa.
  5. Oasis Mall belongs to Sam Kutesa.
  6. Pioneer Transporters – Sam Kutesa.
  7. Logix technical Solutions – Sam Kutesa.


  1. 66% of Ham Kiggundu’s wealth belongs to Muhoozi inclusive of all investments in Uganda, UK, USA and South Africa
  2. 68% of John Bosco’s wealth belongs to Muhoozi including Freedom City.
  3. 77% of Eagle Air belongs to Muhoozi.
  4. Skyjet Airlines belong to Muhoozi.
  5. Orange Telecom – 34% Muhoozi.
  6. Kampala Jelliton Suppliers – Muhoozi.
  7. BPC Chemicals Ltd – Muhoozi.
  8. 41% of Aponyes’ wealth belongs to Muhoozi including Mega Standard Supermarkets.
  9. 80% of Harris International belongs to Muhoozi and Odrek.
  10. Acacia Mall belongs to Muhoozi and Kagame with 50% shares each


  1. 83% of Autocare – Odrek Rwabogo.
  2. 65% of Translink Uganda Limited belong to Odrek and Patience.
  3. 80% of Harris International belongs to Odrek and Muhoozi
  4. Vehicle and Equipment Leasing – Odrek Rwabogo.
  5. Future Link technologies – Odrek Rwabogo.
  6. Picfare Industries – Odrek Rwabogo.
  7. Tiagong Plastics – Odrek Rwabogo.
  8. GM Security – Odrek Rwabogo.
  9. Canada Uganda Recruitment Agency –Odrek Rwabogo.
  10. ZENCH XIN Electronics – Odrek Rwabogo and Sam Kutesa.
  11. Elite Computers Limited- Odrek Rwabogo and Frank Tumwebaze at 50% each.


  1. Sango bay Estates belong to Nzeire.
  2. 51% 0f Toyota Uganda belongs to Nzeire.
  3. Shell Ankole Limited – Nzeire.
  4. Kargo International Ltd – Nzeire.
  5. Mechtools and Equipment – Nzeire and Nasasira.
  1. 55% of Drake Lubega’s wealth belongs to Natasha Museveni and Karugire.
  2. Kazinga Channel Office World – Natasha Museveni
  3. Homeland Holdings – Natasha Museveni.
  4. 72% of Seroma Limited belongs to Diana Museveni.
  5. 61% of Finance Trust Bank belong to Diana Museveni.
  6. Friends Consult – Diana Museveni.
  7. 74% of Pride Micro Finance belongs to Patience Museveni.
  8. Ugafode Micro Finance belongs to Violet Kajubiri.
  9. Afro-Kai limited belongs to Violet Kajubiri.
  10. In-line Print Services – Violet Kajubiri.
  11. Graphic Mutation Ltd – Violet Kajubiri.
  12. Integrated Security Solutions belongs to Elly Tumwine.
  13. Haree hardware Uganda Limited – Elly Tumwine.
  14. Crane Paper bags Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  15. Achelis Uganda Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  16. Crown Bergers Ltd – Elly Tumwine.
  17. Prestige Electronics Limited – George Kashakamba
  18. Blu-Cruise Ltd – John Kazora.
  19. Balya Stint Hardware – John Kazora.
  20. Enmarg Group Inc – Molly Kamukama.
  21. Bwik Petroleum Limited – Molly Kamukama.
  22. Starlite Engeneers Ltd – John Nasasira.
  23. Fitzmann Services Ltd – John Nasasira
  24. African Queen Limited – Joyce Kutesa
  25. Mola Medical Center – Molly Asiimwe
  26. Kifaru Chemicals Ltd – Karugire
  27. Birya United Agencies Ltd – Turyamuhika.
  28. Prism office supplies – Turyamwijuka.
  29. Simlaw Seeds Company U ltd – Estel Akandwanaho.
  30. East African Seeds U Ltd – Caleb Akandwanaho Jr.
  31. Transpaper Ltd – Chris Rwakakamba
  32. Fotogenix Ltd – George Nkiriho
  33. Bemuga Forwarders Ltd – Allen Kagina.
  34. Atlas Cargo Systems – Allen Kagina
  35. Security Centre Ltd – Sabiti Muzeyi
  36. Regal Paints – Kashakamba
  37. Kenjoy Entreprises Ltd – Joyce Keinembabazi
  38. 41% Smile Telecom – Bitature.
  39. Banyankore Kweterana Coop Union – Dynasty, BCD


  1. Salim Saleh took over Uganda Railway infrastructure worthy $100m
  2. Museveni takes over Uganda Dairy Cooperation worthy $400m
  3. Muhoozi and Karugire take over Nytil worthy $234m
  4. Salim Saleh, Jovia Saleh franchise DHL using government grant at $220m
  5. Janet and Museveni take over UCB worthy $1.1bn
  6. Sam Kutesa takes over Uganda Airlines and airport services worthy $1.3bn
  7. Salim Saleh takes over Petroleum depots and reserves worthy $768m
  8. Museveni takes over Kisozi land worthy $100m
  9. Sam Kutesa and Nasasira connived and plotted the sinking of MV Kabalenga and MV Mwanga with graders and bull dozers worthy $15m which were supposed to be aboard. The truth was that they loaded one grader on each ship and the rest of the machines were loaded on the trucks to Uganda through Mutukula boarder. They sunk the ships and reported a lie that all the cargo was lost. They have blocked all the efforts to retrieve the ships ever since.
  10. Sam Kutesa rents the government of Uganda two ferries at a cost of Ugx37bn per year for 40years with a sealed contract.
  11. Sam Kutesa gets Pioneer buses at a cost of Ugx16bn grant from government.
  12. Janet gets Ugx169bn from Basajjabalaba market compensation.
  13. Janet, Muhoozi and Saleh get $600m worthy of Uganda telecom shares.
  14. BCD gets a total of $21bn from plundering DR Congo.
  15. Museveni and Kutesa earn a bribe of $5bn in oil deals
  16. BCD earns Ugx110bn per month from courtesy collections from all ministries, government agencies and parastatals.
  17. Museveni and Salim Saleh earned $4.1bn from the war that led to the independence of South Sudan.
  18. Janet earns $13m every month from refugees from South Sudan and $7.2m from refugees from DR Congo
  19. Janet earns $12m every year from the funds used to fight HIV /AIDS.
  20. Muhoozi earns $22m in procurement of drugs for National Medical Stores.
  21. BCD earns Ugx400bn from the road fund in UNRA every year.
  22. URA makes a courtesy contribution of $100m every year to BCD account in the Swiss bank.
  23. BCD supplies food and cloth to prisons, police, military, government schools, and health centres.
  24. Muhoozi, Rwabogo and Tumwebaze procured an old faulty Cancer machine from Romania making loot of $11m.
  25. Muhoozi stole $110m from the ID project under a non-existing Germany company.
  26. Muhoozi embezzled Ugx113bn from Katosi road project.
  27. Odrek Rwabwogo and Tumwebaze acquire USAFI land for Ugx37bn making loot of Ugx30bn.
  28. BCD has grabbed land in the Albertine region and Bunyoro to own 10% of all the oil revenues meaning that BCD will passively earn $1.6bn every year from the petroleum fund.
  29. Museveni and Saleh earned $280m from partitioning Lake Victoria and allocating it to investors.
  30. Janet earns $24m from illegal gold mining in Karamoja and Mubende.
  31. All  the  money  invested  in  the  return  of  Uganda  Airlines amounting to $3bn legally belongs to Kutesa and Museveni.
  32. 7%  of  all  mobile  money  transactions  charges  across  all networks go to the BCD making for them $342m annually.
  33. Every foreign company has to bribe the BCD $0.5m to $3m to operate in Uganda.
  34. Museveni and  Saleh earn $11m  per  month in AMISOM operations in Somalia
  35. The proposed Kampala-Jinja Highway costing $1.2bn to start in
  36. May 2019 has been inflated by $300m or Ugx1.1trn to contribute to NRM/ Museveni 2020/21 presidential campaigns
  37. The proposed hospital in Lubowa to cost Ugx1.3trn loan by government to an investor has also been inflated by Ugx500bn in the bid to raise campaign money. This comes after NRM sponsors from UK and USA communicating in advance that they will not provide any funding to Museveni in 2020/21 polls.
  38. BCD anticipate getting a commission of $2bn in the construction of an oil refinery in Uganda.
  39. BCD anticipate earning $780m from the construction of the pipeline from South Sudan to Tanzania and Kenya.
  40. Kutesa issued Ugandan Passports to Nicholas Maduro’s family, relatives and cronies at a cost of $20m.
  41. On 10th March 2019, the UPDF cargo planes landed in Entebbe carrying 15tonnes of refined gold belonging to Nicholas Maduro.


Okusaba kwabanyarwanda ettaka lya Buganda.


More details coming….  All businesses and properties both local and foreign.


How Land Reform has these days became Uganda’s Most Controversial Problem?

The current minister of finance, Mr Matia Kasaija

The land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state:

15 October, 2021
By Liam Taylor, a freelance journalist based in Kampala, Uganda.
The Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II of Buganda stands under a shelter during his enthronement ceremony in 1993

KAMPALA, Uganda—When Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni revived a debate about land reform in June, he knew it would provoke a reaction. It’s uncontroversial to say, as Museveni did, that land evictions in the country are a serious problem that must be resolved. But then he specifically homed in on a form of tenure called mailo, found mostly in the Buganda kingdom. “This is an evil system,” he said, antagonizing the Buganda kingdom, which ruled over its lush hills and banana groves for centuries before Uganda even existed. The kabaka (king) of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, countered that such talk was designed to “weaken the kingdom.” Few issues ignite such passion in Uganda today.

Mailo tenure is a complex system that gives landlords and tenants rights in the same piece of land. On one level, the debate is about how to disentangle those interests. The government is considering reforms, with the most radical option being to give tenants full land ownership; the Buganda kingdom, with large landholdings of its own, is skeptical.

But on a deeper level, the land debate is a tussle for power between an indigenous kingdom and an authoritarian state. Buganda was a military and economic superpower until it became a protectorate of the British Empire in 1894. In subsequent decades, the British yoked it together with dozens of other pre-colonial states to form modern Uganda. Like tectonic plates, the kingdom and the state have rubbed up against each other ever since. Now, as popular frustration with Museveni grows, the tremors are once again rippling to the surface.


Instead of abolishing the kingdoms they conquered, the British built a colonial state on top of them. They governed Uganda through a system of indirect rule, where kingdoms retained a limited degree of autonomy over internal affairs and administrators from Buganda helped subjugate other regions. When the country gained independence in 1962, this new state was inherited by the nationalist elite, who scorned kingdoms as a relic of the past. An unlikely alliance between Kabaka Edward Muteesa II, who became Uganda’s ceremonial president, and Milton Obote, the prime minister, soon broke down. In 1966, Obote sent troops to attack the palace. The next year, all five kingdoms were abolished.

The young Museveni approved of Obote’s actions. Kingdoms like Buganda were run by “feudal chiefs,” he wrote in his university dissertation, “who are extremely hostile to the revolution.” Yet in 1993, as president, Museveni restored Uganda’s historic kingdoms as “traditional institutions,” according to Ugandan law. It was a pragmatic, popular move: Although he comes from Nkore, in western Uganda, he had fought his way to power from a base in Buganda, drawing on local support.


One of the Acient geographical maps of the State Kingdom of Buganda around the year 1910


Today, Buganda is by far the most powerful of the restored kingdoms, running its own parliament, schools, businesses, and TV station, though it lacks administrative or revenue-raising powers. It commands deep loyalty from its estimated 6 million people, who make up a sixth of Uganda’s population. Like many Ugandans, they have grown disillusioned with Museveni, complaining that jobs, money, and power often go to people from the country’s Western Region, such as the president’s fellow ethnic Banyankole. The kingdom has become a rallying point for those frustrations: After 35 years of Museveni’s rule, it is the strongest power center he has been unable to co-opt.


Mailo land is entangled with this history. In 1900, after deposing the kabaka, Mwanga II, and installing his infant son Daudi Cwa II, British colonialists sat down with Buganda’s chiefs and parceled out Buganda’s land in square miles, or “mailo.” The top chiefs did well, turning land attached to their offices or clans into personal, hereditary estates. The peasants effectively became their tenants. This was, said its critics, “landlordism imported from England.”

Over time, the rights of tenants were strengthened, and the original mailo parcels were divided up and sold on. In 1975, then-President Idi Amin tried to abolish mailo and bring all land under state ownership. The decree was never fully implemented.

The result today is an unusual system of overlapping interests. Tenants cannot lawfully be evicted from a kibanja (plot) as long as they pay busuulu, a nominal rent set by law at 5,000 to 50,000 shillings (about $1.42 to $14) a year. The rate is so low that landlords, who are mostly private individuals, sometimes don’t bother to collect it: A 2017 survey in Buganda’s Mubende and Mityana districts, conducted by the World Bank, found that most tenants were not paying and only half even knew the identity of their landlord.

Museveni’s personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.

“Museveni has made the kibanja holders more important than the landlords,” said Peter Mulira, a lawyer and prominent landowner in Buganda.

On paper, perhaps. In practice, landlords have more power. They often cut informal deals with tenants to divide the land, forcing them into ever smaller plots. Non-collection of rent is sometimes even a deliberate strategy: Without busuulu receipts, tenants have no documented proof of their occupancy and are thus easier to evict. A project run by the German Agency for International Cooperation is trying to address the problem by mapping titles and plots, and residents in the Mityana District already say it has reduced conflict by clarifying their rights and obligations. Meanwhile, Buganda has registered more than 400,000 plots on its own land since 1994 and is encouraging tenants to apply for formal leases—a move that it says will improve tenure security, although some tenants have questioned the costs.

But legal protections can only go so far in a place where land is commodified, administration is corrupt, and evictions are rampant. Landlords who cannot evict tenants simply sell the land to new owners who can: a kleptocratic elite that exploits its connections in politics and the army to kick out occupiers with brute force. “There is a growing culture of impunity and untouchability—a certain class of people that maybe feels they can get around the law,” said Rose Nakayi, a lecturer at Makerere University in Kampala. She was on a team that recently conducted a three-year inquiry into land issues, commissioned by Museveni himself. Their report has never been publicly released, perhaps because its revelations would expose powerful individuals.

Museveni, who styles himself as a defender of tenants, recently appointed the lawyer Sam Mayanja, a long-standing critic of mailo, as junior land minister. “If you want to protect the kibanja holder, give him a title deed,” Mayanja told Foreign Policy. He proposes buying out the landlords and giving the land to those who cultivate it—and thus rectifying, he argued, the colonial injustice by which they became tenants in the first place. The Buganda kingdom, he added, opposes reform because of the money it makes from its own landholdings. “If it is not that selfish motive, how can one explain opposition to giving the majority of your people security of tenure?”


But the kingdom, which derives 89 percent of its income from land, thinks the real aim of reform is to curtail its power. Its official estates cover 536 square miles, or around 6 percent of the land in Buganda, including a swath of the Ugandan capital of Kampala. Hospitals, sewage plants, prisons, barracks, and even part of Museveni’s official residence sit on kingdom land. The government currently owes 216 billion shillings ($61 million) in rent arrears—which the kingdom suspects are withheld for political reasons. Mayanja has added fuel to those fears by alleging that the company managing the kingdom’s lands is doing so illegally (which it denies). David Mpanga, the minister for special duties in the kingdom’s own cabinet, said the government seems more interested in “demonization, name-calling, brinkmanship” than real dialogue.

The kingdom has long been dissatisfied with how it was reinstated in 1993, which some called “byoya bya nswa” (a “white ant’s wings,” or, figuratively, a raw deal). Royalists want a federal system of government in which Buganda would have genuine political powers and the return of thousands more square miles of land from the state. The mailo debate is just one aspect of this struggle about where authority lies. Museveni’s instinct, meanwhile, is to accumulate power, rather than disperse it. His personalized, monarchical style of rule tolerates no rivals.


It is no coincidence that Museveni reignited the mailo issue a few months after Uganda’s general election in January, when the government violently crushed opposition. His main challenger was Bobi Wine, a youthful pop star-turned-politician who himself hails from Buganda. Even according to official results, which are disputed, the singer won two-thirds of the vote there. In the aftermath of the election, Museveni tried to paint Wine’s movement, unfairly, as a narrowly Buganda affair.

In this context, many Baganda people, including peasant occupiers, see mailo reform as a ruse to punish them and steal their land. There seems to be little enthusiasm for the idea among residents of the Mityana and Mukono districts interviewed by Foreign Policy. Dick Mawanda, a former teacher and local councilor in Mukono, acknowledged that land disputes have become commonplace. But to change the land system, he said, would be “lowering the king.” A portrait of the kabaka hangs above his doorway, and his house stands on land titled to a prince.


Is Uganda Returning to the “Dark Days”?

Museveni’s government has a big parliamentary majority. But it faces legal, financial, and political hurdles to any reform. Muwanga Kivumbi, a member of Wine’s National Unity Platform and chair of the Buganda parliamentary caucus, pointed out that many lawmakers own mailo land themselves and so are reluctant to “legislate themselves into landlessness.” And open confrontation with the kingdom is inflammatory: In 2009, riots erupted after police blocked representatives of the kabaka from visiting a disputed part of his kingdom.

The talk of reform may be no more than an empty threat, deployed by Museveni to pull the kingdom into line. Behind the scenes, proposals are already being watered down. Yet the idea will always be there, like a joker in Museveni’s hand, whenever the kingdom demands payment of arrears or pushes for federalism or attempts to intervene on the national stage. Although there are serious discussions to be had about land reform, these will always be subordinate to politics. It is perhaps telling that the loudest voices on both sides are wealthy lawyers, rather than the poor farmers who have the most to gain from a genuine solution.

Still, the debate itself revives unresolved questions about what a genuinely postcolonial politics would look like. Critics of mailo never tire of pointing out its colonial origins. But traditionalists defend it because of its association with the kabaka, whom they see as a more authentic bearer of legitimacy than the Ugandan state. “I’m always wary of people who say that they’re coming to address colonial injustices, but they’re dressed in colonial clothes. They’re living and working in colonial institutions,” said Mpanga, the Buganda minister. “Uganda is a colonial construct.”


The Uganda government seems to come to the realization that there is not much money to earn from just selling crude oil only on the international market:


8 December, 2023

By World Media and Written by Jeff Mbanga

An African welder is busy welding the expensive pipeline in the oil rich Albertine region of Uganda


Uganda’s government has started the process of salvaging its oil refinery dream after it ran out of patience with delays by a consortium of international companies to make a final investment decision for the project.

In cutting the Albertine Graben Energy Consortium (AGEC) loose, Uganda’s government has decided to become the main developer of its proposed oil refinery – a fundamental shift from the faith it had in private companies. Nonetheless, the government is inviting private companies to participate in raising capital for the project, which is estimated at about $4 billion.

Time is of the essence. Uganda faces the disturbing prospect of witnessing all its crude oil shipped out through an export pipeline to the Tanzanian port of Tanga if it delays to find the money – and contractor - to build the oil refinery.

Uganda insists on building an oil refinery with a capacity to produce 60,000 barrels of oil per day at peak – a project government says will create spin-off industries and create employment opportunities for its burgeoning youths.

Under the law and the agreements Uganda’s government signed with TotalEnergies and Cnooc - the operators of the Tilenga development area and the Kingfisher development area respectively the refinery has the first right of call on the oil resources. However, that right is dependent on the country having an oil refinery.

Short of that, TotalEnergies and Cnooc have the right to export all the oil through their proposed oil pipeline. Uganda is scheduled to start exporting oil by April 2025, although that timeline is quite ambitious, while government expects to have an oil refinery in the year 2028.

Just over one billion barrels of the discovered oil have been determined to be commercial. The oil companies, through the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Company Limited, will export 212,000 barrels of that oil at peak from Hoima to the Tanzanian port of Tanga.

This financial year, Uganda’s government is likely to start early oil refinery project works, such as site clearing, at Kabaale in Buliisa district, and acquire more land as a parallel lobby for a private partner goes ahead.

Uganda has been courting Algeria which has a public-financed oil refinery of its own, as a partner for its refinery project. A newspaper advert for a call of expression of interest for the construction and management of the Buloba finished products depot – which forms part of the oil refinery project - was recalled after President Yoweri Museveni and his team visited Algeria in March 2023.

Already, Algeria and Uganda are discussing how to execute the refinery together. The government now feels that a public-led strategy is the best solution to dealing with the bottlenecks of tedious negotiations with the oil upstream companies, amidst a tight global credit market that has come under heavy pressure from environmentalists over such projects, according to an internal government memo that we have.  It follows that any private sector financiers/ investors with interest in oil and gas projects like the refinery in Uganda are likely to require elaborate and time-consuming negotiation processes for various incentives, investment protections, project guarantees, commercial agreements and other government concessions in order to participate in the project. Such huggling will further delay the commissioning of the refinery project,” the memo notes.

The memo then adds: “ is proposed that, today, a public sector-led strategy is the most feasible path forward to developing the 60,000 barrel a day refinery in Uganda.”

A government-steered refinery project, the memo estimates, will save Uganda $868 million in perceived country risks that AGEC had built into its overall expenditure cost. This is expected to knock down the turnkey project cost of the refinery. In deciding to take on the burden
of financing and developing the oil refinery, Uganda’s government is in a race against time.

It is clear that the collapse of the first private sector-led attempt by Russia’s RT Global in 2015, and now the most recent setback, have cost Uganda precious time, considering the progress being achieved by the crude oil export pipeline project. France’s TotalEnergies and China’s Cnooc have made it clear that exporting Uganda’s crude remains the best option to attract investments that can be channeled into developing the country.

On the other hand, Uganda’s government feels that some of the oil must be refined in-country. To realise its refinery dream, Uganda’s government needs to incorporate a refinery company, and negotiate with the upstream international companies for a crude oil supply agreement, among other things.

But in the immediate term, Uganda’s government needs some of the studies that the Albertine Graben Energy Consortium (AGEC) had done. Among the studies that AGEC did include the Front-End Engineering Design, the Final Refinery Configuration report, among others.

While the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment was done, AGEC did not submit it to government for approval. To access these reports from AGEC, government will have to make a financial offer, we have been told. It’s not clear how much.

Other studies that government will have to do include a report on the lumpsum turnkey price for the project, a security and risk analysis report, an Operations and Maintenance Plan, a National Content Development Plan, and a financing plan, just to mention a few.

While the studies might take time to be completed, there are certain components that are of immediate concern. Government needs to incorporate a refinery company, which, ideally, should negotiate with the oil companies on certain aspects. A shareholders agreement must be negotiated to clearly stipulate the terms and conditions of the owners of the refinery company.

The refinery company, of which the Uganda National Oil Company, and a private investor will be the main shareholders, is supposed to negotiate with the oil companies for the crude oil supply agreement, one of the most important agreements needed to be signed. For now, Uganda’s ministry of Energy and Mineral Development is negotiating with the oil companies.

The crude oil supply agreement is meant to guide the different parties on how much oil being drilled at the Tilenga and Kingfisher fields is channeled to the refinery.

The refinery company is also supposed to negotiate the Implementation Agreement, which anchors all the other agreements of the refinery. The timelines for the conclusion of these agreements are still not clear. In whatever way, every minute now counts if Uganda is to build the refinery.






The Uganda government Auditor General has revealed that  Shs 28bn got lost in the revolving fund of the Youth Project for  Employment:

January 4, 2019

Written by URN

Ministry of Gender PS Pius Bagirimina with minister of state for Youth and Children Affairs Nakiwala Kiyingi

Ministry of Gender PS Pius Bagirimina with minister of state for Youth and Children Affairs Nakiwala Kiyingi.



The auditor general, John Muwanga has released a new report revealing that government may never recover Shs 28.4 billion disbursed to youth groups across the country under Youth Livelihood Project (YLP).

The AG found that almost 64 per cent of the sampled youth projects, consisting of 71 per cent value of loans, were non-existent and another 25 per cent had reportedly embezzled the funds.

The Youth Livelihood Program is rolling fund project that targets poor youth across the country is implemented by the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development.  A total of Shs 231.2 billion was budgeted for the project in financial year 2013/2014 to financial year 2017/2018.

However only Shs 161.1 billion was released for the program resulting in a shortfall of Shs 70.1 billion.

Despite the underfunding of the program, auditors have also faulted the ministry for the manner in which funds have been (mis)managed. They pointed out that out of the Shs 38.8 billion that was disbursed to 5,505 youth groups in the financial year 2013/2014 and 2014/2015, on average, only 26.7 percent was recovered from the youth countrywide.

"There is high probability that the balance of almost Shs 28.4 billion may never be recovered as almost 64 per cent of the sampled projects, consisting of 71 per cent value of loans were non-existent. Another 25 per cent had reportedly embezzled or diverted the funds," reads part of the summary audit report.

However, auditor general notes that the program registered some improvements between financial years 2015/2016 to 2017/2018. According to the report out of a total amount of Shs 83.3 billion disbursed to 10,444 Youth Groups, there was a noted improvement of recoveries ranging from 24 per cent in financial year 2015/2016 to 60 per cent in 2017/2018 which is still below satisfactory performance.

Meanwhile, out of Shs 18.1 billion recovered from the groups at the time of audit, Shs 16.1 billion had been transferred to the Revolving Fund in Bank of Uganda.

Besides, only Shs 8 billion had been revolved to the groups and the auditor general says that delay in revolving funds to other eligible groups undermines the ultimate goal of the program.


If 231 billion was government revenue for the youth, then that is about 350 billion shillings of tax money collected by the government. It takes government 20 billion shillings to collect about 95 billion shillings from taxation. To have a last sum of money of about 8 billion as revolving funds for other eligible groups is money badly spent on this project. The remaining sum of 342 billion shillings is clearly stuck somewhere else.






In Uganda, a National bank official closed up Commercial banks as she sold them anyhow:

December 12, 2018

Written by Alon Mwesigwa

Justine Bagyenda

M/s Justine Bagyenda


Until the beginning of this year, the sitting posture at Bank of Uganda’s level 7 boardroom told who exactly wielded power.

The governor Emmanuel Tumusiime-Mutebile sat in the middle sandwiched on his immediate left by deputy governor Dr Louis Kasekende, followed by Justine Bagyenda, the then executive director for supervision. On the right, sat Dr Adam Mugume, the executive director, research. Mutebile called on these to answer any questions concerning their departments.

“The banking sector is stable,” Bagyenda usually answered assertively to any journalist who questioned the sector’s health. Oblivious to the reporters was the power she wielded in the central bank itself both as the director, commercial banking and later executive director, supervision.

Last week, Bagyenda told the Bugweri MP Abdu Katuntu-led parliamentary committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (cosase), that in 2014 there were minutes of the closure of Global Trust bank and its resultant sale to Dfcu bank and that the decision had been agreed upon by the entire board. But BOU secretary Susan Kanyemibwa, shot back: “Mr Chairman, through the governor, I have all the minutes from January to December 2014 and those ones [of Global Trust bank’s sale] are not in.”

Then came more revelations. That the bank was sold just hours after she pressed the padlock. That National Bank of Commerce was sold to Crane bank via a mere phone-call. If anything, this literally shows how muchpower the Heriot-Watt University Edinburgh Business School-MBA graduate wielded over the country’s financial sector.

On several high-level conferences around the world, including at the World Bank, IMF and other premium organisations, she presented papers on corporate governance and its significance in the banking sector. In short profile submitted to the World Bank and International Finance Corporation’s financial and private sector development forum in 2007, Bagyenda described herself as having experience in “bank supervision, restructuring and resolution...and prudential norms and practices.”

“She has been instrumental in conducting diagnostic and due diligence reviews of problem banks and has taken a lead role in resolving and liquidating failed banks,” read her profile in part.

The information available shows that Bagyenda has worked as a short-term consultant to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for East AFRITAC (East African Regional Technical Assistance Center) missions. She is chairperson of the Uganda Anti– Money Laundering Committee. Bagyenda also has a bachelor’s degree in finance and a diploma in credit appraisal.

In the committee, her profile crumbled as MPs – some of whom not economists – helped poke holes into her and her former colleagues’ responses at BOU. In February, 2018 after more than 25 years at BOU, Mutebile decided to fire her with six months to run her contract. She refused to hand over office because her contract was still standing. At parliament, there have been moments that bordered on humour and absurdity.

For instance, last week, on failure of directors to answer questions, Katuntu pressed to get Mutebile get in and he dropped a bombshell: “If the heads of departments can’t answer, how do you expect me to answer?” While this showed that the governor gave his officials liberty and power to carry out their roles, the Mutebile of yesterday would never say that, said one analyst.

Policy analyst and economist Ramathan Ggoobi twitted rather sarcastically that the governor “should tell us [the country] who was in charge]”.

In 2004, a whole chapter in the book, The World’s Banker, by US journalist Sabastian Mallaby, was dedicated to Mutebile. The journalist described him as a no-nonsense technocrat who often told off President Museveni that his policies would not work.

“I told him, look, we know you are going to fail; allow us to continue preparing for when your program fails,” Mutebile reportedly told off Museveni as the latter tried to gamble the country on barter trade.

So, did he hold firm even after settling in as the governor? This is the question that will be answered when the committee releases its final report.

For now, the sitting posture in Cosase has mostly changed from that of level 7 – perhaps symbolic of changing dynamics at the country’s most important bank. Mutebile sat at the first chair near committee leaders, his current and former officials, including Bagyenda follow in the line. He watches on quietly as they are being baked.


One is waiting to hear from the owners of these miserable banks that have been closed for now 20 years. In case they were closed up illegitimately, how much money are they going to demand from the taxpayer and from the consolidated fund at the World Bank, so that they are handsomely remunerated? They need to go back and do business as they must have learned their lessons by now.






The appointing authority of the Bank Of Uganda Governor, is the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the European Union:

The financial logo of the Bank of Uganda

4 November, 2018
By International  Media network 
It is known in certain circles that 3 appointments are NOT appointed by President Museveni of Uganda under the GLB 'free market' economy.
These jobs are the Speaker, the BOU Governor, and the IGG.
The BOU is just a dummy working on the GLB orders which insisted that ALL indegenous banking must be removed from the UG market economy model.
All the closed banks were closed irregularly, by the BOU, using the ignorance of the UG population about banking practice, and a hint of force.
From Teefe bank in 1989, to the Greenland Bank up  to the Mbabazi bank in the 2000's  Uganda's indegenous banks were closed irregularly and forcefully by BOU. 
On each and every occasion the govt regulations and PAPERWOK which BOU as the supervisory bank should have followed in closing a running commercial bank, were NOT followed.
The IGG whose role is to report on the BOU, or Govt failures is also directly appointed and paid by the WB/GLB.
Both Mutebile and Muwanga have been in their respective jobs for 25+ years and are paid directly from WB. 
The  BOU has over the years closed these banks with armed soldiers manning the doors. 
Customer monies in the bank were not returned to them and the individual bank assets were often stolen by BOU and UG govt officials. 
On most occasions BOU employees and powerful poltical figures would even steal the deposits of the customer, and assets they had pledged for loans.
This gross corruption at BOU was known to Sudhir and his Crane Bank. 
The Mbabazi bank was liquidated and the assets given to Crane Bank.
Sudhir used the gross corruption at BOU to run an unsupervised bank which was laundering money on an international scale, for years.
Crane bank in fact became the de-facto central bank (instead of BOU), as other commercial banks held accounts in Crane bank, something not allowed in any other banking system.
When Crane Bank had to be shut down, by the WB/IMF masters. they ordered the BOU to wind up Crane Bank and transfer the banks previously I'll gotten assets to DFCU bank.
It is Sudhir Ruparella who is now taking on the BOU.  
He has bribed his way through the UG govt to bring on this probe.
By bringing a case to show how all other banks were irregularly, and corruptly closed by a very corrupt BOU, the BOU will have to bring out details of the recent closure of equally corrupt Crane Bank.
Sudhir is hoping that after Ugandans  salivate about how BOU/GLB deliberately suffocated African owned banks in UG,  
they will not be averse to accepting that Crane Bank was also 'injured'  and accept the millions which UG tax payers will pay Sudhir Ruparella for the damage. 
Despite Sudhir stealing a lot of real estate in Kampala which he wants back too.
It is not Mutebille as such who is in trouble, he is a well paid dummy for the GLB who have been running the shambles called Uganda.
It is Sudhir is taking on the GLB .

The government of Uganda is looking for economic trouble by taking on Chinese loans anyhow: 

China money.  President Museveni (centre)  with

China money. President Museveni (centre) with Chinese engineers and Ministry of Energy officials after touring one of the tunnels (in background) at Karuma Hydro Power Project on August 23. The project is sponsored by a loan from China. FILE PHOTO.  

Growing infrastructural development in much of Sub-Saharan Africa has become closely connected to China in recent years. 
Construction of major infrastructure work is largely controlled by Chinese companies, who even negotiate loans on behalf of governments from China Banks at commercial interest rates. The conditionality for these loans is that the works shall be done by Chinese companies.

Uganda is a typical example of growing Chinese influence on the continent, running to China for most of its development needs. 
The China-Africa relationship leaves a lot to be desired. Many questions arise from this relationship - whether in the area of trade, investment, development aid, loans and educational scholarships.

These represent the multiplicity, diversity and complexity of the Chinese strategy on the continent, with potential pitfalls. 
It is puzzling, how deeply entrenched the roots of China and its footprints are being rapidly implanted at various levels on the continent.

It is not clear if African governments are prepared and in position to comprehend the depth of their ties with China and the implications for Africa’s future development. 
Watching from Uganda, it is difficult to imagine that there is any understanding of the nature of ties being weaved by China and government officials.

Yet, it has to be asked, is Uganda capable of regulating Chinese engagement in the country? What is the attraction to China’s otherwise very expensive loans to Uganda and other countries on the African continent?

Why Africa
What is the attraction for China to these otherwise very poor nations? What are the implications for freedom of choice for development priorities?
I will start with the first issue of regulation. It is evident that Uganda does not have the capacity to regulate China’ engagement within their jurisdiction. They have become beholden to China for the financing of expensive capital projects such as roads, power dams, optic fibres, among others.

Part of this is because of lack of accountability and transparency, which have led to accumulation of debt that is untenable from previous partners, much of it lost in corruption rather than what it is borrowed for. The Ugandan government and others on the continent do not, therefore, want to deal with the questions that arise out of effectiveness of loans taken before and fiscal austerity. As such, China becomes a partner that appears indifferent to these concerns and do not care about the track record of paying back and efficient utilisation of the borrowed resources and governance issues that is the obsession of Western donors and lenders.

No regulation
Through this mechanism, officials in government loose the moral authority to question the Chinese and to pay due diligence, rendering them incapable of providing adequate regulation. This is the real attraction for the Ugandan government to China’s expensive loans and technical support.

The second issue of what is the attraction to China’s otherwise expensive loans to Uganda and indeed most of Africa is that much of China’s engagement happens in an opaque manner, making it impossible for citizens to question choice of projects or demand value for money for these projects. Much of what happens is outside of the knowledge of citizens. In order to appreciate this, one must examine the manner in which China varies strategies, from trade to investment in various projects and to providing aid and loans simultaneously.

Within the infrastructural projects, there is evident transfer of technology and even human resources that happens in a clandestine manner. This secrecy complicates attempts to regulate China’s engagement but also limits Uganda’s choices. But one must also think about the role of the government or at least some of its actors, in possible connivance with the Chinese government.

President’s intention
President Museveni’s response to purported delays in clearing Chinese companies to operate in Uganda over scrutiny of tax exemptions are an indication of some of the things that remain unclear in this cooperation between China and Uganda.
While asking what the attraction to China’s expensive credit might be is important, it is also crucial to question what the attraction for China is to these otherwise poor countries, within the context of helping them. While it cannot be disputed that China is a huge economic power, it cannot be trusted, particularly its motives and methods.

It is not possible to imagine that China is simply trying to help a poor nation. What is clear is that China has moved from being a trade partner, which dominates trade anyway, to a key stakeholder in infrastructure development and lender to Uganda. What is the attraction? Of course, like colonialism’s simple allure, natural resources and minerals are the key attraction, let us make no mistake.

It is almost as if China is leading a fresh attempt at re-colonisation of Africa, moving beyond the neo-colonial narrative. China is thus using Africa’s governments, with a lot of hunger for personal accumulation of wealth, their desperate desire to cling to power and its own economic power to take advantage of these countries. 
With the guise of non-partisan involvement or no political interference, China is getting away with incredibly so much. The problem is, it is the African people that will be dispossessed by the ruling elite and political class, who are accomplices of China today.

The implications
As for the implications, these are numerous. Recent media reports about the takeover of a Zambian Corporation by China over the failure of the Zambian government to pay back some loans and the takeover of a port in Sri Lanka are just some of the beginning signs of what has been going on for years. It will not be surprising if China begins to control strategic ports in Africa. Much of these loans are far too expensive for developing countries to service effectively, which leaves such takeovers inevitable in future.

For example, a multimillion dollar project, which is mismanaged, poor quality work and lack of local content can be very dangerous for a country. Moreover, these loans are put in projects with limited capacity to deliver a high rate of return in the near future, with real impact for the poor of these nations. There is an urgent need to contextualise these loans and the potential for them turning into death traps for poor people.

Unless an honest attempt to operate with China in transparency and accountable way is cultivated, eliminating the current secrecy that surrounds much of what is done, then we can say we are courting crisis. There will be a generation of Ugandans that will have no idea how to redress any wrongs. There might be need to redefine our jurisdictions, if our independence and sovereignty is to be upheld in future.

Most importantly, we must look beyond the official narrative and what is obvious, to seek to understand the deeper meanings of China’s engagement in Uganda and Africa in general. What is sad, is that Africa is allowing China to shape the conversation on their economic development in what is clearly an unequal partnership from which only China stands to massively benefit in the long run, with limited possibility for socio-economic transformation of Uganda and other African countries.

Africans need to develop a sceptical attitude towards all these investments and development support, deeply engaging with it. While for China, this is a matter of hegemony and power, for Africa, it is a matter of life and death for the majority poor of its inhabitants.
Multinationals need to come to the aid of Africa to avoid the worst crisis in the nearby future.

Trap? China’s increasing influence through lending money that some countries cannot pay back, according to some analysts, has opened Africa to new challenges. Some analysts are calling it “debt-trap diplomacy” as such countries are forced into concessions when they default. For instance, according to the Centre for Global Development report, Sri Lanka, which holds about $1b in Chinese debt has been forced to surrender one of its ports to Chinese government-owned companies for a lease of 99-year.

Chinese investment in Uganda and Africa
Uganda is among the 20 countries on the African continent where China has massively invested. 
The Asian country, according to data from US-based research think tank – Brookings - is working on more than 89 projects shared between 45 Chinese companies. 
However, other East African countries such as Kenya and Tanzania hold much more in Chinese loans compared to Uganda. 
For instance, Kenya holds more than Shs19.2 trillion (($5.202b) in 137 projects worth of Chinese loans, while Tanzania currently has more than 149 projects funded by Chinese firms. 
Nigeria, South Africa, Zambia, Ethiopia and Egypt round off the list of five countries with the largest amount of Chinese loans. 
As of March 2018 Uganda held Shs14.6 trillion ($3.9b) in debt to the World Bank compared to China’s Shs6 trillion ($1.6b).

World Bank Vs China 
Loans from the World Bank or African Development Bank and China are differently structured. 
For instance, loans from the World Bank are structured as concessional and mostly carry a 10-year of grace period compared to those secured from Chinese which carry immediate interest rates. 
According to data from Alpha Capital, almost 50 per cent of loans from China are offered on commercial terms while the World Bank and International Development Association (IDA) provide concessional loans.

IDA loans are mostly earmarked for education, health and other social services while Chinese loans tend towards infrastructure projects such as roads, railways and power plants. 
The bulk of the Chinese loans have been directed towards infrastructure financing, especially in projects such as Karuma, Isimba and some national roads. 
China Exim Bank is one of the key agencies funding transport projects such as the Malaba-Kampala Standard Gauge railway, Kampala-Entebbe Express Highway and expansion of Entebbe International Airport.

Additional reporting by Eronie Kamukama

Nathan Nandala-Mafabi (MP) Uganda
Vice Chair, Board PNoWB/IMF






The Parliament of Uganda is not happy with the expenditures of the Ministry of Gender, Labour, Youth and Social Development:

October 24, 2018

Written by URN

Pius Bigirimana with Minister of State for Youth and Children Affairs Nakiwala Kiyingi


The Permanent Secretary Mr Pius Bigirimana with Minister of State for Youth and Children Affairs M/s Nakiwala Kiyingi


Parliament's Public Accounts Committee (PAC) yesterday tasked ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development permanent secretary Pius Bigirimana to explain queries raised by the auditor general in his FY 2015/16 and 2016/17 reports.

Among the queries raised by the auditor general John Muwanga in the reports, is the existence ghost beneficiaries under the Youth Livelihood Programme (YLP) - noting that about 527 million of the fund money is non-traceable. The money was allegedly spent on ghost groups in 30 districts randomly sampled during the audit period.

Muwanga also raised concern in the 2015/16 financial year audit report that Bigirimana was compensated Shs 43 million for sustaining injuries in 2013 in the line of duty, yet police officers with claims dating back to 1996, have been put on the waiting list for all this time.


Appearing before the MPs, Bigirimana in his defense said the existence of ghost beneficiary groups should be directed to district accounting officers since payments are based on clearance by district authorities. He however, said he had taken note that, groups that collapsed or changed location and business direction after receiving funds had been captured as ghosts by the auditors.

"There were four categories; those that changed course of business; those that changed physical location, as well as groups that split immediately after formation and those that collapsed after their members got married," said Bigirimana.

According to the AG’s report, the Youth Livelihood Programme lacked a proper accountability framework or detailed guidelines for accountability of the revolving funds. Muwanga said that implementing entities under the programme accounted for funds differently, noting that this isn't only a recipe for improper accounting for funds, but also impedes comparability of accounting reports across the implementing entities.

According to the auditor general, overall recoverability of the funds as at 28th October, 2016 stood at Shs 5.5 billion - a paltry 39 per cent of the Shs 14.2 billion that was due for repayment by the beneficiaries. YLP was rolled out in 2014 and the first recovery was expected in 2016.

Bigirimana attributed the low recovery rate to the fact that the programme had just started and that many projects were yet to yield results, adding that those that ventured in agriculture were affected by drought and the Fall ArmyWorm.

Gaffa Mbwatekamwa, the Kasambya County MP tasked Bigirimana to explain the failure by his ministry to wipe out corrupt officials from the ministry and local government administration units who ask for kickbacks from the beneficiaries. Dorothy Azairwe Nshaija, the Kamwenge Woman MP also expressed concern about the failure by the ministry to sweep out ghost groups.

Masindi Woman MP, Jalia Bintu tasked Bigirimana to explain the steps being taken to ensure such incidents don't happen again. Bigirimana concurred with the legislators, saying that they have had such cases but argued that the MPs should also get involved since the program is comprehensive and involves district authorities.

He said that in Katakwi, the chairperson of Usuk LC III was arrested after he colluded with his own to defraud the fund of Shs 10 million. At least Shs 7 million was recovered. He said similar cases had been recorded in Gulu and other districts and that action had been taken.

On the irregularities in the issuance of workman compensation, the MPs noted with concern the unclear criteria for compensating government employees who suffer occupational injuries and other forms of hazards while at work. Masaka Municipality MP, Mathias Mpuuga tasked Bigirimana to explain the criteria used to pay workers who have been injured and who determines the dangers.

In his response, Bigirimana, said compensation is paid on first come first serve basis except where the situation is worse and dangerous. Asked to explain further, Bigirimana said priority is given to people who sent in their claims earlier, which are assessed by him as the PS and other committee members for payment.

Mpuuga insisted that there are complaints of unfair treatment and favouritism from unpaid workman claims, saying the matter shouldn't be disposed until Bigirimana presents approval details.

Bigirimana said there is a committee composed of the accountant, himself and the commissioner for labour that takes charge of handling claims and approving benefits. Masindi Woman MP, Jalia Bintu asked whether the ministry has got internal mechanisms where cases or complaints are handled.

"We have received cases of that nature and I have handled them myself, we have a formula of how we arrive at the compensation," said Bigirimana. He further said beyond himself, the medical board handles complaints and compensations.

The committee tasked Bigirimana to explain his 2013 compensation yet several police officers have not been paid since 1996 despite claiming smaller amounts. He explained that he was involved in a helicopter crash and sustained injuries.

"I was operated and that assessment was not done by me, it was by the ministry of Gender before I went there," Bigirimana said.

At the time, he was the permanent secretary in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM). Ntungamo Municipality MP, Gerald Karuhanga put it to him that he used his office in OPM to call his colleagues in Gender to process his claim, a claim Bigirimana rejected.


One wants to understand why with such financial ineptitude on the part of this NRM government, this government is inviting in the rich to come and invest in this country without paying tax unlike the rest of the citizens of this country.






The President of Uganda is constantly being misled by his adviser over the environmental catastrophe faced by the people living on the African mountains of Elgoni in Eastern Uganda:

The President of Uganda camped in the volcanic mountains of Eastern Uganda

October 15, 2018

Written by URN 

President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda has apologized to the people of Bududa for the delays in the relocation of communities from mudslide prone areas. 

Museveni said that the delay was because he was misled by some people in government. However Museveni did not say how he was misled and by who.

The president was on Sunday speaking during a church service in memory of the Bududa mudslide victims, at Bukalasi secondary school playgrounds. Museveni said that following last Thursday's disaster, relocation is no longer debatable.

He said that cabinet will today Monday discuss the issue of relocating people to safer areas. Museveni also promised to give Shs 5 million to the families who lost their loved ones and Shs 2 million to the survivors. 

"I want to extend my condolences to the families who lost their dear ones and to those who were injured. I will send Shs 5m per family of the people who died and then send Shs 2m per family of the people who died but it will come through the chairman and the CAO, they are the ones who know." said Museveni. 

According to Uganda Red Cross Society (URCS), a total of 43 people lost their lives and 139 households with a population of 695 people were affected. Of these, 278 are children under 5 years. President Museveni also said that relocation is not by force and that those who are not willing to leave, houses will be  constructed for them in the safer trading centres.

"When we ordinary people come and say Were was wrong I will settle where the water should be. It is now unfortunately clear but after losing so many lives that that was not a wise decision." Museveni added. 
Willson Watira the LC V chairperson of Bududa told the president said that the residents are ready to relocate. He explained that the issue of politicians refusing people to relocate is now history.

"Stories have been going around indicating that people of Bududa have totally refused to be relocated…That was a story of the past, these people are ready to be relocated and even if you say we move now, am sure they can be your bodyguards." Watira said. 
The prime minister Ruhakana Rugunda said that lessons to learn from the incident is that whoever is involved in the process of relocation should speed up the process to avoid further loss of lives.



Indeed this long serving President is constantly being misled on how to spend taxpayer's money on almost any state item of expenditure! That is why this Poor African country is accumulating international debts that are proving impossible to pay back!






President Museveni of Uganda dishes out, Shs 3bn to city market middlemen(traders):

October 6, 2018

Written by URN

Museveni made several donations during his tour in downtown Kampala

Museveni made several donations during his tour in downtown Kampala city, Uganda


President Yoweri Museveni dished out more than Shs 3 billion to traders in downtown Kampala on Friday during his tour of the area. 

The donations are even likely to increase once the details of smaller Saccos are fine-tuned and submitted to the President's Office for consideration. Museveni promised the traders even more money and more goodies - literally promising to solve all the financial problems raised by the traders.

This was Museveni's first tour of downtown since the commencement of elective politics in 1996, almost 12 years after he assumed power. Museveni bluntly told traders that they had abandoned him by electing opposition politicians and he'd abandoned them in return. 


Who got what? 

Museveni visited six groups during the the tour that started at about midday and ended at 7:00pm. At Nakasero market where Museveni addressed the first rally, he donated Shs 100 million to the traders' main Sacco and promised a further Shs 10 million for each small Sacco. 

This reporter was told that there are over 20 smaller Saccos - meaning that the president will hand out more donations in excess of Shs 200 million. From Nakasero, Museveni proceeded to the Old Tax Park where he announced a donation of Shs 500 million to the taxi operators main Sacco. He also promised to donate Shs 10 million for each small Sacco. 

There are over 30 small Saccos, so Museveni will give out extra Shs 300 million to Old Taxi Park based Saccos. The president's third stopover was Owino market where he also donated Shs 500 million to the main market Sacco and promised another Shs 10 million to each small Sacco. The president was told that there are precisely 97 small Saccos, which will fetch Shs 970 million extra cash.

In Owino, the president promised to pay the Shs 4.5 billion debt that traders owe to DFCU bank. Government, he further promised, will help traders to develop the market. Museveni then headed to Qualicel Bus terminal where he met groups of traders from various arcades. He launched Kampala Acarders Advocacy Forum (KAAFO) Sacco and blessed it with a donation of Shs 100 million. 

Museveni further promised to fund 10 women from Kampala Women Traders Development Association (KAWODTA) who requested for financial support as they plan to go for a study trip in Turkey. 

Museveni's penultimate mini rally was at the market of disabled traders situated on the edge of New Taxi Park. Disabled traders under Kampala Association of Disabled Traders Company Limited are consumed and locked up in a land row. He didn't make any donations here. 

Kiseka market, the famed opposition arena, that has, for many years been seen as a fermentation ground for opposition protests in Kampala was where Museveni held his last rally. Throngs of people lined the aisles of Nakivubo road and cheered Museveni as he entered Kiseka. 

Here, Museveni donated Shs 250 million to each of the Saccos belonging to the two rival groups in the market. As at the preceding mini rallies, he promised Shs 5 million to each of the small Saccos in the area. He was told that that there are over 40 small Saccos in Kiseka.
Kampala politics
Museveni told traders that they decided to vote for opposition politicians first; Nasser Ntege Sebaggala, then John Ssebaana Kizito and now Erias Lukwago as city mayors. Museveni used various proverbs to explain Kampala's political dilemma.

For instance, Museveni referred to a Runyankore proverb at various rallies that goes; "amazi kugagira ngu otanyoga, oti nanye naba ntine nziro." This is loosely translated to mean that "when water rejects you, you in return say you had no dirt that warranted a shower."

To pronounce his return to downtown, Museveni referred to another Runyankore proverb which says; "ekyitita muhima tikyimaraho ente ze." This literally means that "what can't kills a cattle herder, can never kill all his cows."

Museveni said he had finally come to see people who have been politically rebellious for a long time. Museveni said traders should pardon him for abandoning them, but hastened to argue that they should also ask to be pardoned since they were the first to abandon him when Uganda opened the curtains for elective politics in 1996. 

Museveni chided traders for electing "useless" politicians who later came to haunt them by selling markets to private investors and city tycoons. Museveni told traders at Nakasero market that politicians who they elected sold markets and never shared proceeds with them. 
Since 2011, when Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) replaced the defunct Kampala City Council (KCC), traders have been labouring to regain control of markets and market land.

From Nakesero market to Owino, Old Tax Park, traders are entangled in deep seated conflicts over ownership, eviction threats and struggles to acquire land titles among others. Almost, all these markets are saddled in litigations. 
Explaining the philosophy of markets, Museveni likened them to nurseries, where traders start horning their business skills. And when they feel, they have graduated from informal trading; Museveni argued traders leave market stalls to other people who want to join. He reiterated several times selling these markets, was a big mistake. 


What sort of African economics is this that governments subsidise middlemen traders(retailers and wholesalers) in a market system? In many modern national and international markets the internet is becoming the go between the product and the consumer. Even the uneducated Ugandan President, Idi Amin understood such a simple economic principle and had to regulate the Asian traders.






Museveni donates Shs 500m to taxi operators:

October 5, 2018

Written by URN

Some of the traders dressed in Bazukulu ba Museveni  T-shirts at Nakasero market

Some of the traders dressed in Bazukulu ba Museveni T-shirts at Nakasero market


President Yoweri Museveni has donated Shs 500 million to Old Taxi Park Taxi Operators Association. Museveni who is touring and addressing mini rallies in downtown Kampala announced the donation as he addressed the taxi operators.
He promised to donate Shs 10 million to each small association once documents are submitted to his office. The rally at the Old Taxi Park was the second following another at Nakasero market on Friday morning.

Museveni also donated Shs 100 million to the Nakasero Market Main Sacco and promised to give each small Sacco in the area Shs 10 million.
He is scheduled to visit Owino market, Kiseka market and disabled traders market among others. Museveni key message to traders is that they had abandoned him by deciding to vote opposition politicians.

He promised to help the traders reclaim their market land, which had earlier been sold by the defunct Kampala City Council officials. Lately, Museveni has been in an avalanche of dishing out cash to poor city youth who seem to form the core of Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi support base. 



Bus za Baganda ezidda mubyalo nga zirinda abasabaze  mu bus park ya baganda kumpi nakatale ka Owino awo mukibuga Kampala 1950/55



Abazadde Abafumbo abaganda ababiri nga bagenda mumaka gaabwe awo e London, UK 1952





In Uganda, Urban public Transport Researchers are trying to explore 3D zebra crossing use in the African city of Kampala:

6 December ,  2018

Written by Alon Mwesigwa


Researchers are exploring the use of 3D zebra crossing in Kampala as the latest safety measure to protect pedestrians on city roads.


The researchers believe that the 3D crossings can aid motorists’ vision and help slow down cars when they reach pedestrian crossing points. On Sunday December 2, motorists and pedestrians that used Bombo road; above Bat Valley primary school were treated to a pop-up zebra crossing, a first in an African city.

Its stripes looked more like blocks on the road. The researchers from Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) and the University of York supported by British Academy, are exploring the use of creative or non-conventional methods to ensure inclusive transport infrastructure in Nairobi and Kampala.

The methods to engage the dwellers of both cities include art, storytelling, urban dialogues, and photography to capture the city dwellers’ mobility challenges and how they can be addressed.

The 3D zebra crossing is one of the pieces that are not used in Africa but have been tried in other countries like Iceland. Uganda is the first country in Africa to pilot the 3D zebra crossing, according to Howard Cambridge, a researcher at SEI.

“This 3D zebra crossing draws the attention of motorists, motorcycle taxis, and PSVs to pedestrians crossing the busy road,” said Cambridge.

Amanda Ngabirano, an urban planner and leader for SEI Kampala team, said they intended to observe how motorists would “behave when such a more visible zebra crossing is in place.”

She said, however, that motorists still need more sensitization and behaviour change to know that a zebra crossing is critical area where pedestrians and other vulnerable people are likely to cross at and it must therefore be respected.

Uganda still has a challenge to make its city streets safe for all. At least 60% of people in Kampala walk to their work places, according to official figures. But most infrastructure in the city has been skewed towards those using private cars, accounting for just 10% of Kampala population.

About 30% use public means like taxis and buses. Even where facilities for those walking or cycling have been put, including zebra crossings around town, they are hardly respected by motorists which puts pedestrians’ lives at risk.

Boda boda riders, researchers said, were the most notorious when they reached crossing points for pedestrians. Ugandans reacted to the 3D zebra crossing both on Facebook and Twitter.

Peter Kaujju, the deputy director of corporate affairs at Kampala Capital City Authority, twitted: “This certainly would enhance safety of our travelling public especially pedestrians. Let’s explore”.

Dr Andrew Kitaka, the director for physical planning, applauded the idea: “Good idea. I have always wanted to try put something like this. Could even be better if you add wedge or conical shapes.”

Other Ugandans said it had worked in other countries so it work in Kampala as well. Ivan Nome, a Ugandan, wrote on Facebook: “Same concept has worked in Japan. A certain painting on the roads slows down cars especially in residential areas”.

Other people urged the city authority to replicate it in others sections of the city especially at areas where school children cross. Urban & Infrastructure Development Conference, an organisation hosted Kampala School for Integrated Urban Planning (SIUP), twitted: “Great work; great initiative! Extend on Kampala Road Main Post Office, and school children zebra Crossings around the city”.

For the school children in Kampala, the call to guarantee their safety on Ugandan road is even more urgent. Official statistics from the ministry of Works show that a school child dies every month on Ugandan roads in city or peri-urban suburbs. About 20% of fatalities in Uganda are school children.