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Money in dollar bills seized from a home of the Commissioner General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority is pictured down: Over 20 bags of it:






OLUKIIKO LWA BAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA

 

OBULANGO

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bw'enju ya Kisingiri ewa Musolooza.

 

 

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UGANDA.

 

 

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OMUZIRO:

NKEREBWE

AKABBIRO

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OMUTAKA

KIDIMBO.

OBUTAKA

BUDIMBO.

ESSAZA

SSINGO

OMUBALA:

Nkerebwe nkulu esima nga eggalira

Olukiiko lwa Buganda lwanjudde embalirira ya buwumbi 7

The Kabaka of Buganda launches a book on Ssekabaka Muteesa II struggles:

Kabaka Mutebi (centre) with Mr Patrick Makumbi (right) and Dr

Kabaka Mutebi (centre) with Mr Patrick Makumbi (right) and Dr Colin Sentongo (left) at the book launch at Bulange in Mengo, Kampala.

PHOTO BY ERIC DOMINIC BUKENYA

BY  ERIASA MUKIIBI SSERUNJOGI


Posted  Friday, May 27  2016

Kampala in the State of Buganda:
Kabaka Ronald Mutebi on Wednesday, 25th May 2016,  launched a book about the struggles of his late father and former Buganda king, Edward Muteesa II, touching on Uganda’s history before and after independence.

The book titled The Brave King, revisits the stories of Muteesa’s exiling, first between 1953 and 1955, and again from 1966 to 1969 when he died in London. The author, Mr Patrick Makumbi, drew from the documents preserved by his father, 99-year-old Thomas Makumbi, who was an official at Mengo, Buganda’s power capital.

“I was very happy to write the preface to this book,” Kabaka Mutebi said, adding: “It will help the readers understand what Kabaka Muteesa went through in those days.”

When Mutesa was exiled in 1953, the older Makumbi, the father of the author, led a team of six Buganda officials to negotiate with the British about the king’s return to Buganda, which was secured in 1955. The other members of the team were Mr Apollo Kironde, Mr Matayo Mugwanya, Mr Amos Sempa, Mr Eridadi Mulira and Mr Ernest Kalibbala.

Kabaka Mutebi, while officiating at the function, called on more people to document what they saw during those days, saying “it is a good thing” that some of those who witnessed or participated in the events are still alive. Muteesa himself wrote about the period in question in his autobiography, The Desecration of my Kingdom, and Kabaka Mutebi’s endorsement of Mr Makumbi’s new book will be seen as an extension of the kingdom’s bid to manage the narrative.

Mr Apollo Makubuya, Buganda’s third deputy Katikkiro, at the launch held at Bulange-Mengo said there have been attempts to misrepresent history by “those who do not like us”.

Accusations and counter accusations of betrayal between Buganda Kingdom and Obote are rooted in a rather happy start, when Buganda’s party Kabaka Yekka (KY) teamed up with Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress to defeat the Democratic Party and form government at independence in 1962.

But the two centres of power soon quarrelled violently and were involved in what many have regarded as a critical turning point in Uganda’s history. The army, on Obote’s orders, stormed Muteesa’s palace on May 24, 1966, killing multitudes and forcing the king-president into exile.

Mr Makubuya said his grandfather was among those killed during the attack, an occasion the kingdom commemorates yearly on May 24. He said in addition to explaining how Buganda and Muteesa suffered during that period, Mr Makumbi’s book will clarify a number of other issues, including how colonialism thwarted Buganda’s development efforts.

He said Buganda stiffly resisted colonialism and the demands of colonial governor Andrew Cohen in particular, to the extent of winning a court case in London against the exiling of Muteesa. In all its efforts, Mr Makubuya said, Buganda was consistently seeking autonomy, and that the kingdom can “never” lose sight of this objective.

Mr Makumbi, the author, said his father could not attend the launch due to old age.

The publication of the book was financed by Dr Colin Sentongo, who said at the launch that KY, which ceased to exist in the 1960s, is the only political party he has ever belonged to.

The fathers of Mr Makumbi and Dr Sentongo met with Muteesa as students at Kings College Budo, from where, Mr Sentongo said, the three men forged a life-long friendship. It is probably much for this reason that Kabaka Mutebi warmed up to Mr Sentongo and Mr Makumbi at the launch.

emukiibi@ug.

nationmedia.com

Fiscal Budget y'Ensi Buganda ebiro bino

Jul 07, 2014

Bya DICKSON KULUMBA

 

OMUWANIKA wa Buganda, Eve Nagawa Mukasa

asomye embalirira y’Obwakabaka bwa Buganda eya 2014/2015 ya buwumbi 7 (7,411,638,600/-) .

 

Embalirira eno eri wansi w’omulamwa 'Okwolesebwa n’Ebigendererwa' egendereddwamu okutumbula enkulaakulana okuli; okumaliriza Amasiro g’e Kasubi ne Wamala, Masengere, okulongoosa Ennyanja ya Kabaka, okussawo etterekero ly’ebyedda, okukulaakulanya ettaka ly’e Kigo ne Makindye 'State Lodge', okuzimba olubiri lw’omulangira Juma Katebe, okuzimba olubiri lwa Namasole, okuddaabiriza embuga z’Amasaza wamu n’okuzimba eddwaliro ly’abakyala.

 

Nagawa yagambye nti ensimbi zino zisuubirwa okuva mu Buganda Land Board, Amasomero, Minisitule ez’enjawulo, mu bupangisa, amakampuni g’Obwakabaka, ebitongole ebigaba obuyambi n’obuwumbi buna okuva mu Gavumenti eya wakati.

 

Ng’ayogera mu lukiiko luno, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga yasabye abantu okutambulira ku kiragiro kya Kabaka eky’abantu okujjumbiro ebifo by’obulambuzi era n'ategeza nti pulojekiti zonna Obwakabaka ze butandiseeko ssi zaakukoma mu kkubo, zirina okumalirizibwa n’olwekyo enkola y’okunoonya Ettoffaali ekyagenda mu maaso kubanga Kabaka ayitibwa mufumbya Gganda n'antabalirira batyabi- ensimbi zikyetaagisa.

 

Olukiiko luno lwetabiddwamu abakiise bangi ddala ne baminisita ba Kabaka nga lwakubiriziddwa, Sipiika Nelson Kawalya eyagambye nti embalirira eno abakiise basaanye okugenda n’ekiwandiiko kino, bwe banakomawo mu lukiiko luno basobole okugiyisa.

 

Omusujja gw’omu byenda
(Typhoid fever) gwesibye mu Kampala, Uganda.
Feb 25, 2015
a
 


Bo abantu mu kibuga Kampala besombye bangi ddala.

Bya HANNINGTON NKALUBO, ERIA LUYIMBAZI NE CHRIS TEBANDEKE

OMUWENDO gw'abalwadde b'omusujja gwa Typhoid ogw'omu byenda] oguzinze Kampala n'emiriraano gweyongera buli lunaku.

Ku nkomerero ya wiiki ewedde abaakebeddwa ne basangibwa n'akawuka k'omusujja guno baweze 170 naye olwa Mmande we lwazibidde nga basoba mu 365.

Kino kitiisizza baddereeva, bakondakita, abasuubuzi n'abasaabaze ne bagamba nti wadde Gavumenti evuddeyo ku bulwadde buno naye tennakola kimala. Abalala balina okutya nti ebyokulya, okunywa n'ebifo bye bagendamu ebyobuyonjo tebinnaba kukyuka bikyali nga bwe bibadde era obulwadde bukyayinza okweyongera.

BADDEREEVA

Ssentebe wa baddereeva e Nakivubo, Mustafa Mayambala yagambye nti gavumenti egezezzaako okulwanyisa obulwadde naye tennakola kimala.

“twetaaga emisomo, mmotoka ya ambulensi okuba okumpi ne ppaaka era bwe kiba kisoboka n'abasawo babasembeze ku ppaaka zaffe balwanyise obulwadde buno.Kizuuse ng'abamu ku baddereeva tebaagala kugenda mu malwaliro era omulala yafudde eggulo,” Mayambala bwe yagambye.

wabula baddereeva bakyagenda mu maaso n'okulya emmere etambuzibwa mu ppaaka, ebibala ebitundibwa, okunywa amazzi agatambuzibwa mu bucupa. Obulwadde buno bwatandikira mu ppaaka ya takisi enkadde ne busaasaanira mu ppaaka endala okuli eya USAFI, Kisenyi, ppaaka empya, mu kizimbe kya Qualicel mu basuubuzi b'omu luggya lwa ppaaka ne mu butale naddala aka Nakasero ne St. Balikuddembe.

Baddereeva be baasooka okutegeera obulwadde buno era we baabumanyira nga bannaabwe bataano bubasse ate ng'abalala 30 bapooca.

Abamu ku baddereeva n'abasuubuzi baasooka kwerumaaluma nga balowooza nti bayinza bannaabwe be babaloga.

EKITONGOLE KYA KAMPALA  CITY COUNCIL

Amyuka omwogezi wa KCCA, Robert Kalumba yagambye nti nga bakolagana ne minisitule y'ebyobulamu, basobodde okwanguyira obulwadde.

‘tutaddewo mmotoka ya ambulansi ku malwaliro ag'enjawulo naddala mu Kisenyi okuyamba abantu abafuna obuzibu. Tuyungudde abasawo abenjawulo okuwa abasangibwa n'akawuka k'obulwadde buno eddagala amangu ddala era bangi balifuna ne bawona,’ Kalumba bwe yagambye.

Yategeezezza nti balondoola nnyo ebyokulya n'okunywa ebitundibwa mu bifo omukolera abantu abangi naddala mu ppaaka za takisi n'obutale. Yagambye nti baludde nga bategeeza bannakampala okwegendereza ebyokunywa n'okulya mu Kampala naye nga tebawulira.

"ebifo bingi omuli kiyosiki tuzze tubiggala naye ng'abamu balowooza nti tubatulugunya kyokka nga tutangira mbeera ya bulwadde ebadde eyinza okugwawo,” Kalumba bwe yagambye.

ABASAABAZE

Ssentebe w'ekibiina ekirwanirira eddembe ly'abasaabaze ekya Passengers Protection association Badru Nyenje yatidde nti embeera y'obulwadde eyinza obutataliza basaabaze. Abamu ku basaabaze bava mu bitundu bya byalo nti bwe batuuka mu ppaaka nabo baagala okugula ebyokunywa n'okulya.

"Abakola ku mutindo batuyambe bakebere amazzi gonna ag'obucupa agatundibwa mu bifo byonna okwetoloola ppaaka n'obutale kubanga agasiga galabika mafu. Bangi bajingirira amazzi ne balowoozesa abaguzi nti malungi ate nga majama. Batuyambe bagakebere ate amalala kkampuni ezimu baziwere" Nyenje bwe yagambye.

AMALWALIRO GA KCCA

Abasawo abasinga babasindise mu ddwaaliro lya Kisenyi Health Centre.

Waliwo erya Kisugu. Naggulu. Kawaala , Kitebi. Kawempe ne Komamboga.

ABAFUDDE

Fred Kato eyali akolera ku siteegi y'e Luzira. 

Jimmy Olando ku Ssembule siteegi.

Diriisa Ssemakula.

Meddie Mutebi ku Bweyogerere.

Jimmy Kijjambu ku paaka enkadde.

SITEEGI EZIKOSEDDWA

Bweyogerere, Luzira, Ssembuule, Kasubi, Namuwongo, Mengo , Nateete, Wakaliga, Nakulabye , Bwaise, Ntebe, Kamwokya, Kikono ne Makindye.

Omusawo ayogedde ku musujja guno

Dr. Jane Ruth Aceng Dayirekita w’ekitongole ekikola ku byobulamu ategeeza nti  “omusujja gw’omu byenda buba bulwadde nga bwegaseemu omusujja naye nga guva ku buwuka obusirikitu obuyitibwa ‘Salmonella Tyhi’. Era buyinza okuva ku kawuka akasirikitu akatera okuleeta omusujja ogwamaanyi. Obuwuka buno buteekebwa mu mazzi oba mu mmere nga muntu yabusaasaanya mu bubi bwe.

Bukwata butya?

Obulwadde busaasaana nga buyita mu kulya emmere oba okunywa amazzi agalimu obubi. Kyandibadde kirungi abantu ne bajjanjabibwa mu bwangu okwewala okusaasaana.

Kiki gavumenti ky’esobodde okukolawo

Waliwo ttiimu y’abantu eteekeddwaawo KCCA wamu ne Minisitule y’ebyobulamu okudduukirira omulanga guno. 

KCCA etaddewo ekifo eky’okufuniramu obujjanjabi ku ddwaaliro lya Kisenyi Health Center IV okukola ku balwadde abakakasiddwa nti babulina

. Era abalwadde abasinga bakolwako ne badda awaka era tebaweereddwa bitanda. 

Ekitongole ekibunyisa eddagala ekya National Medical Stores (NMS) kitadde eddagala lyonna eryetaagisa mu kifo okusobola okukola ku balwadde mu bwangu.

Abasawo ku ddwaaliro lya Kisenyi Health Center IV baatendekeddwa okusobola okukola ku bateeberezebwa okuba abalwadde n’abakakasiddwa okuba abalwadde.

Gavumenti esaba abantu bonna okuteeka mu nkola bino wammanga;

Abantu bonna abalina obubonero bw’omusujja naye ng’eddagala ly’omusujja gw’ensiri teribawonya batuukirire eddwaaliro Kisenyi Health Center IV okufuna obujanjabi okusingawo.

Minisitule y’ebyobulamu eri mu kulaba embeera mu disitulikiti endala bwe kiba kyetaagisa bateekewo ekifo ekirala eky’obujjanjabi.

Abantu bonna basabibwa okukuuma obuyonjo okutangira okusaasaanya. 

Abantu bonna balina okubeera abeegendereza okumanya ensibuko y’amazzi ge banywa n’ebyokunywa. Abantu bakubirizibwa okufumba amazzi ge banywa oba okugateekamu ‘water guard’, n’ebintu ebirala ebyakakasibw

okulongoosa amazzi

Abantu bakubirizibwa okwewala okulya emmere ennyogoga, enva endiirwa zirina okufumbibwa obulungi n’ebibala okubyoza ne bitukula bulungi n’amazzi amalungi.

Abasawo bakubirizibwa okutwala obulwadde bwa Typhoid ng’obumu ku bulwadde obusumbuwa abantu. 

Ennamba z’essimu bbiri ziteekeddwawo okuloopa ensonga eno okuli 0794661095 oba 0794661128 mu KCCA.

Abantu bafuna batya obulwadde buno?

Typhoid musujja gwa mu byenda ogufunibwa oluvannyuma lw’okuywa amazzi oba okulya emmere erimu obuwuka oba enjama.

Abantu abalwadde ennyo basobola okubusaasaanya nga bugenda mu mazzi agaliraanyewo nga buyita mu bubi bwabwe obulimu obuwuka obungi.

Omuntu okulya emmere ennyogoga.

Okulya ebintu nga bijama.

Obubonero bw’omusujja gw’omu byenda

Obulwadde busobola okumala ebbanga lya wiiki 3-4 era ng’obubonero bwe buno; 

•Obutayagala kulya

•Okulumwa omutwe

•Obulumi mu mubiri gwonna

•Omusujja nga guweza 104

•Obukoowu oba obunafu

•Embiro

•Okulumwa mu kifuba/ ekifuba 

ky’omunda

•Obulumi mu lubuto

Bujjanjabibwa butya?

Obulwadde buno bujjanjabwa ne n’eddagala eritta obuwuka buno.

Waliwo n’eddagala erigema abo abatambula. Obujjanjabi bumala wakati wa wiiki bbiri n’omwezi era ng’omulwadde ayinza okusaasaanya wakati wa 50,000/- ne 300,000/- okusinziira ku ddwaaliri ly’aba agenzeemu. 


Amataba gagobye ssentebe mu maka ge
Apr 01, 2015

Era emirimu gy’ekyalo n’abagenyi be abalabira wabweru wa nnyumba anti gy’asiiba. Nobala ssentebe wa Central zooni mu Ndeeba.

Twamuguddeko nga bali mu kaweefube wa kusena mazzi nga bagaggya mu nju ne famire ye.

Agamba nti abantu abatadde ebigoma ebitono mu mwala be baleetedde amazzi okwanjaala mu maka ge.


Okulonda obukiiko bwa LC1 ne LC2 kuli mu lusuubo: Tewali ssente
Dec 23, 2015
Eno ye nonda eya bafuzi, Omufuzi ava e Ruanda owa NRM gyeyaleeta mu Ssemmatteeka gweyateeka mu Uganda.

Bya Muwanga Kakooza

OKULONDA obukiiko bwa LC1 ne LC2  omwaka ogujja kuli mu lusuubo oluvannyuma lwa gavumenti okulemwa okussa mu bajeti y’akakiiko k’ebyokulonda ssente ezimala okukola omulimu guno.

Akakiiko k’ebyokulonda keetaaga obuwumbi 44 okutegeka okulonda kw’obukiiko bwa LC kyokka mu bajeti mulimu obuwumbi musanvu zokka!.

Ssentebe w’akakiiko ka palamenti ak’ebyamateeka, Steven Tashobya (mu katono) ye yategeezezza bino mu lipooti y’akakiiko ke  ekakwata ku bajeti y’omwaka ogujja (2016/17) gye yayanjulidde akakiiko ka palamenti eggulo.

Yasabye wabeewo ekikolebwa okulaba nga gavumenti ewaayo ssente z’okutegeka okulonda kuno kuba ensimbi ezeetaagisa bwe zitaweebwayo eby’okulonda obukiiko bwa LC1 ne LC2 tebijja kusoboka.

 Obukiiko bwa LC buludde nga tebukola kuba abamu ku baabuliko baafa, abalala ne bakyusa ebyalo ng’ate n’obuliwo kigambibwa nti bumenya mateeka kuba buli luvannyuma lwa myaka etaano waliwo okubaawo okulonda ku mitendera gyonna egya gavumenti. Kyokka bwo bumaze emyaka egisoba mu kkumi nga tebulondebwa.

Ebyo nga biri awo n’ensimbi  obuwumbi 12 ez’okusasula emisaala gy’ababaka ba palamenti abapya 70 abagenda okwegatta ku palamenti egenda okulondebwa omwaka ogujja emisaala gyabwe tegiri mu bajeti. Palamenti empya egenda kubaamu ababaka 459. Eriwo erimu ababaka 265.

OMUZIRO:NGEYE


AKABBIRO

KKUNGUVVU OR

EMMUNYUNGU


OMUTAKA

KASUJJA NKALYESIIWA


OBUTAKA

BUSUJJU


ESSAZA

BUSIRO


OMUBALA

Tatuula asuulumba busuuluumbi


Tewali nsonga eneetulemesa kumaliriza Masiro - Katikkiro
Feb 02, 2015
Bya DICKSON KULUMBA

KATIKKIRO Charles Peter Mayiga agambye nti okusoomoo

zebwa kwayolekedde kwe kutaasa Bassekabaka abagalamidde mu Masiro e Kasubi omusana mu kiseera kino ogubookya ate n’okuteeka ekifo kino ku mutindo gw’ensi yonna.

Yazzeemu okuwera ng’Amasiro gano bwe galina okuggwa mu mbeera yonna n’agamba nti, “Nziramu okuwera nti tewali nsonga egenda kutulemesa kumaliriza mulimu guno. Enkuba ketonye, kibuyaga kaakunte, omusana ka gwake, tulina okumaliriza amasiro.”

Bino Katikkiro yabyogedde bwe yabadde alambuza Obuganda omulimu ogukolebwa ku Masiro e Kasubi eggulo ku Ssande n’asiima bonna abali ku mulimu era n’agamba nti omulimu guno gulina okutambuzibwa okusinziira mu mitendera.

Ssentebe w’olukiiko oluvunaanyizibwa ku kuzzaawo Amasiro, Al- Haji Kaddu Kiberu yategeezezza ng’okutusibwa kwa langi ebadde emaze ebbanga eddene ng’erindirirwa bwe kiguddewo essula empya mu kuzzaawo Amasiro gano.


Kaddu yagambye nti “ Essa kwe tutuuse, omulimu guno gusigadde mu mikono gy’abantu babiri ate bonna nga bataka; Kasujja ne Muteesasira era mubadde mugamba nti tubadde tutambudde mpola naye nange ngenda kubakanda ebyetaagisa ebirala okuli essubi, emmuli, amavuvume n’ebirala.

Omutaka Muteesasira Tendo Keeya yagambye nti ttiimu ye ey’Abagirinya yamaze dda okugitendeka era yeetegese okutandika omulimu gw’okulasa akasolya k’enju Muzibu Azala Mpanga ate n’oluvannyuma akwase Wabulakayole ( Omusige okuva ewa Kasujja), omulimu gw’okusereka.

“ Omulimu oguddako muzito era muzibu. Mu mbeera eno gugenda kutambula mpola kubanga eby’obuwangwa tebikubibwamu mavuunya n’olwekyo tulina okugendera mu mitendera,” Omumyuka owookubiri owa Katikkiro era Minisita w’obulambuzi, obuwangwa n’ennono Haji Muhamood Sekimpi bwe yagambye.

Langi ebadde erindiriddwa okuva e Girimani yatuusibwa wiiki ewedde nga kwajjirako omukugu era nga gulondoolwa aba kkampuni ya langi Peacock ng’olunaku lw’eggulo ( Ssande) baalaze abantu abaabadde e Kasubi engeri langi eno eyatereddwaako gy’egenda okutaasaamu Amasiro.

Allan Kibirige ku lwa Peacock yannyonnyodde nti, “ Langi eno eyamba okutaasa omuliro ne gutasanyawo Masiro okumala essaawa bbiri ng’abazinyamwoto bwe bajja. Mu ngeri

y’emu egenda kuyamba okuwangaaza enju eno.


Omuwanika w’olukiiko lw’Amasiro, Gaster Lule Ntakke yalangiridde ensimbi 5,019,700/- nga ku zino Pius Mugalaasi n’omutuba gwa Katulami e Kisunku mu ssiga lya Jjumba mu kika ky’enkima gwakulembera yaleeseeko obukadde buna. Ntakke yagambye nti ensimbi zino zigenda kusigala Kasubi okukola ku nsonga ez’enjawulo okuli amasannyalaze n’amazzi agatawaanya abagasulamu.

Omukungu wa bbanka Enkulu, Bank Of Uganda, Kaliisoliiso gw’anoonyerezaako ebyobugagga bwe ebiyitirivu, alemedde mu ofiisi:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 5th March 2018

 

OMUKUNGU wa Banka Enkulu Justine Bagyenda eyawummuziddwa mu nkyukakyuka ezaalangiriddwa Gavana Polof. Tumusiime Mutebile agaanyi okuwaayo ofiisi eri Dr. Tumubwine Twinemanzi eyalondeddwa okumuddira mu bigere.

 

 

Bagy1 703x422

 

Bagyenda ne Mutebile. Mu katono ye Dr. Tumubwine Twinemanzi, eyalondeddwa okusikira Bagyenda

 

Enkyukakyuka zino, Mutebile yazirangirira nga February 7, 2018 nga Bagyenda zaamusanga mu luwummula, ekifo kye nga Ddyirekita avunaanyizibwa ku kulondoola bbanka zonna mu ggwanga ne kiweebwa Dr. Tumubwine gwe baamulagira okukwasa ofiisi.

Kyokka Bagyenda olwamazzeeko oluwummula n’adda mu ofiisi ye n’akuutira Mutebile ekiwandiiko nga February 19, 2008 ng’avumirira obutagoberera mateeka mu nkola ey’emirimu gye n’annyonnyola nti ye mukozi omujjuvu nga ssi wa kuva ku mulimu okutuusa nga July 30, 2018, lw’ajja okuwummula ng’awezezza emyaka 60 egy’okuwummula.

Mutebile yamwanukudde mu bbaluwa gye yamuwandiikidde nga February 26 nti tewali tteeka lye yamenye mu kukola enkyukakyuka n’amulagira okuwaayo ofiisi nga March 1, 2018 terunnatuuka kyokka Bagyenda n’okutuusa leero tennawaayo ofiisi.

Ebyo nga bikyali bityo, Kaliisoliiso wa Gavumenti atandise okubuuliriza ku byobugagga bya Bagyenda ebigambibwa okuba ebingi ennyo nga bisinga ennyingiza ye mu Banka Enkulu.

Omwogezi wa Kaliisoliiso, Ali Munira yategeezezza nti, waliwo eyababbiddeko ku byobugagga bya Bagyenda n’agamba nti batandise okumubuulirizaako.

Ebimu ku biwandiiko bye twalabyeko biraga nga Bagyenda obuwumbi 19 n’obukadde 300 mu bbanka.

Ebyobugagga ebirala kuliko amayumba ag’ebbeeyi e Bulogoobi, Makindye, Kiwatule, Nakawa, Ntungamo, Mbarara n’ebintu ebirala ng’emmotoka ne bizinensi ez’enjawulo.

 

 

 

 

 

Minister Tumukunde praises Besigye at burial of Rukikaire’s son:

 

Tumukunde praises Besigye burial Rukikaire son

Friends. Security minister, Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde (in pink shirt and grey coat) stands next Opposition activist Dr Kizza Besigye (in checked shirt) during the burial of former minister Matthew Rukikaire’s son in Rwakabengo Cell, Southern Division, Rukungiri Municipality, Rukungiri District, on Friday. PHOTO BY PEREZ RUMANZI  

The funeral of former minister Matthew Rukikaire’s son in Rukungiri on Friday set the stage for the reunion of former Bush War comrades, who have since found themselves on opposing political sides, and Security minister, Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde, used the opportunity to praise Opposition activist Dr Kizza Besigye.

Mr Rukikaires’ son, Timothy Mark Kainamura Rukikaire, 42, his Rukikaire’s first born son, succumbed to pneumonia in Kampala on Tuesday. He was on Friday laid to rest in Rwakabengo Cell, Southern Division, Rukungiri Municipality, Rukungiri District.
Gen Tumukunde, Dr Besigye, Mr Rukikaire, former minister Maj Gen Jim Muhwezi and former prime minister Amama Mbabazi, who were instrumental during the Bush War and President Museveni’s earlier years in power, all hail from greater Rukungiri, although it has since been split and Mr Mbabazi now finds himself in Kanungu District. Former Chief of Defence Forces Aronda Nyakairima, who has since passed away, also hailed from Rukungiri.

Rukungiri and Museveni
The ‘Rukungiri group’, as some have called them, has served Mr Museveni well in many respects, but have also presented the President with biggest headache coming out of western Uganda and perhaps the whole country. Gen Tumukunde, now back in government, bitterly fell out with Mr Museveni over the removal of term limits and was forced to resign as an army MP and faced almost a decade of exclusion and trial in the military court.
Mr Rukakaire too had taken issue with the removal of term limits in 2005, a move that was heavily championed by then “super minister” Mbabazi. Mr Mbabazi would later fall out with Mr Museveni and demand that he steps down, leading to an unsuccessful shot at the presidency in 2016.

Earlier, Gen Muhwezi had fallen out with Mr Museveni and it became public knowledge that he refused to apologise for the sins the head of state was accusing him of.
Perhaps Gen Muhwezi had taken cue from Dr Besigye, who had been the first high profile cadre to publicly fall out with Mr Museveni, penning a damning dossier in 1999 when he was still a serving soldier. Mr Museveni toyed with the idea of trying him in the military court but would later give in to pressure, much of it from Rukungiri, and let him retire from the army. This is a decision he would perhaps later regret when Dr Besigye challenged him in the 2001 elections, a fierce contest that was marred by violence and widely adjudged not to be free and fair.

Dr Besigye would again challenge Mr Museveni for the presidency in 2006, 2011 and 2016 and still remains the most potent challenger against the man who has ruled Uganda for the last 32 years.
It, therefore, surprised mourners at Mr Rukikaire’s home when the Security minister offered a full-hearted praise of Dr Besigye, describing him as a development-oriented and peace loving Ugandan, who never misuses the power he has, traits which he said Dr Besigye exhibited, especially at the time he served in the government.
“I have worked with Dr Besigye since the Bush War and we have been friends since. Dr Besigye had a lot of power while in government and I don’t think there has ever been a person with power than him. Even when he was still in government, as a young man below 30, when he summoned you to his office, you would see a person with power, but he really never abused this power,” Gen Tumukunde said in Rukungiri on Friday.

He said only Mr Mbabazi at his peak had power comparable to that of Dr Besigye. Mr Mbabazi worked as the mobiliser of the external wing during the war, while Dr Besigye was a combatant and physician to the rebels, including Mr Museveni.
Mr Mbabazi, whose daughter Nina is married to one of Mr Rukikaire’s sons, was not present on the occasion at which the speeches were made.

Gen Tumukunde added: “Besigye is out of government but he remains a very powerful man. What is more important is that he never uses this power to divide people… I think that is why we are friends. I have known you as a person who never sabotages development. I think that is why we are friends. I hope you can also be friends with your other powerful man (possibly referring to Mr Museveni). Also, let me state it here that if it wasn’t for you, Besigye, I would not have a leg.”
Gen Tumukunde was shot in the leg during the Bush War.

Besigye, Rukikaire speak
On governance. Dr Besigye said Mr Rukikaire, a founding member and key financier of the Bush War, and other comrades who fought alongside President Museveni and supported the struggle in different ways, have since given up on politics and their dream of good governance has not been realised.

Dr Besigye said some of those who were part of the struggle have engaged in stealing national resources to amass wealth when many Ugandans are poor.
“When we went to the bush, it is only Mathew who was rich and he contributed almost everything to the struggle that he could do; he singly funded operations of UPM (Uganda Patriotic Movement party under which Museveni stood for president in 1980), and he sustained the struggle, including sacrificing his home to the struggle until the first invasion of Kabamba. But here we are now, all the others have a lot of money you can’t tell where they got it. Ugandans are becoming poorer while a few are becoming richer,” Dr Besigye said.

Seeking solution. Mr Rukikaire said there is need to find a permanent solution to the disagreements in the country’s governance so that one does not have to seek permission to visit people who are opposed to government as he did when he wanted to visit Dr Besigye at his home after the 2016 presidential election.
“No one was allowed to visit him but I did. How? I would go to [Prime Minister] Ruhakana Rugunda’s office and tell him I wanted to visit my friend Besigye. I would ask Rugunda to call (IGP) Kale Kayihura so that he could instruct his police not to interfere with my visits. Kayihura would call his officers and my car would be allowed to go through.”
Mr Rukikaire added: “However, I always found it easier to visit him in Luzira [prison] than at home because I don’t need authorisation to visit him in prison. After all this, I think we need a permanent solution for our country’s problems.”

Museveni on Rukikaire
Political. Mr Rukikaire was a strong Uganda Patriotic Movements (UPM) and National Resistance Movement (NRM) pillar. He supported Mr Museveni to wage a guerilla war against the UPC government after he lost the 1980 election, which he said was rigged.

Mr Museveni wrote in his autobiography, Sowing the Mustard Seed: “The day chosen for the attack which would launch our campaign was Friday February 6, 1981. Our plan was to obtain a vehicle, drive quickly and secretly from Kampala, arrive near our target in the early hours of the morning and take the barracks by surprise shortly after dawn. The day before our planned attack, about 30 volunteers assembled in Mathew Rukikaire’s house in Makindye, a suburb of Kampala and stayed in hiding there all day. Eventually, the number grew to 34 but only 27 of us were armed.”
Mr Rukikaire served as the MP for Kabula County and was State Minister for Privatisation.

 

 

 

 

 

The country of Zimbabwe is getting a new President who has been involved in the killing fields of Africa for a very long time:

22 November, 2017

By the East African paper

 

President Robert Mugabe holds hands with his then vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa at celebrations to mark his birthday on February 27, 2016. PHOTO FILE |AFP

President Robert Mugabe holds hands with his then vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa at celebrations to mark his birthday on February 27, 2016. PHOTO FILE |AFP 

Robert Mugabe, the only head of state the country has known in its 37-year existence, is today under house arrest, and the former vice president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who has long aspired to succeed him, has returned from South Africa, where he fled on November 6.

It appears that Mugabe’s decision to sack Mnangagwa — possibly at the behest of his wife, Grace Mugabe — may turn out to have been his last major decision as president.

These events have provoked much interest and anticipation around the world, and not least from Zimbabwe’s former colonial master, the UK. The British foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, stated in the House of Commons on November 15 that:

“This House will remember the brutal litany of [Mugabe’s] 37 years in office; the elections he rigged and stole; the murder and torture of his opponents … Authoritarian rule, whether in Zimbabwe or anywhere else, should have no place.”

Mr Johnson also warned against any transition “from one unelected tyrant to the next”.

British interest

For the past three years, the British government has displayed an interest in re-engaging with Zimbabwe.

It is an open secret that Britain’s re-engagement identified Mnangagwa as the candidate they could best work with. When the current British ambassador in Harare, Catriona Laing, took up her post in September 2014, her mission was to “rebuild bridges and ensure that re-engagement succeeds to facilitate Mnangagwa’s rise to power”.

In September 2017, it was reported that British diplomats were working to secure a Mnangagwa succession “with a $2 billion economic bailout underwriting the project”.

According to diplomats with direct knowledge of succession discussions surrounding the rebuilding of post-Mugabe Zimbabwe, Ms Laing has not wavered in her support for Mnangagwa to succeed Mugabe and, since Mnangagwa’s hasty retreat to Pretoria on November 6, it seems the British have worked behind the scenes to facilitate Mnangagwa’s unhindered return to Zimbabwe and installation as president.

It has been reported that plans to take over the country by force have been in place for some time — and that Mnangagwa was instrumental in those plans.

There are unconfirmed reports that a new post-Mugabe deal is under discussion. Under its terms, Mr Mnangagwa would lead a transitional government with the support of other political parties, leading to full elections in five years’ time.

There are suggestions that Mr Mnangagwa has the backing of the Chinese, who recently met with the commander of the coup, Gen. Constantino Chiwenga, while the South African government allowed him to return to Zimbabwe unimpeded on November 15.

So it seems the end of the Mugabe era has come. But one has to ask whether a Mnangagwa presidency would really be a new beginning.

"The Crocodile’s" credentials

Mr Mnangagwa, known as "The Crocodile", has throughout the history of Zimbabwe been complicit in the manipulation of the Zanu-PF election process by promoting violence, intimidation and repression as well as illegal administrative strategies to ensure Zanu-PF election success.

He has also long faced allegations of corruption and diamond looting in both Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

In 2012, the NGO Global Witness released an investigative report that detailing how Zanu-PF and the military elite used the proceeds from looted diamonds to fund human rights abuses. The report specifically points to the conduct of Mnangagwa and his ally Chiwenga.

Mr Mnangagwa has also been accused of playing a pivotal role in the Matabeleland Massacres of 1982-1987. In January 1983, Mugabe launched a massive security clampdown on the unarmed citizens of the Matabeleland region, violence that was both politically and ethnically motivated.

This episode of relentless and persistent state-orchestrated violence, known as Gukurahundi, was perpetrated by an elite army unit known as the Fifth Brigade.

An estimated 20,000 people were massacred and hundreds of thousands of others tortured, beaten or raped. Mr Mnangagwa has denied involvement and has blamed the army.

On March 4, 1983, at a rally held not far from Lupane in Matabeleland, Mr Mnangagwa publicly conflated being a citizen of Matabeleland with being a political dissident.

News reports at the time said that he told his audience the government had “an option” of “burning down … all the villages infected with dissidents” and that “the campaign against dissidents can only succeed if the infrastructure which nurtures them is destroyed.”

Thousands traumatised

He described dissidents as “cockroaches” and the Fifth Brigade as “DDT” brought in to “eradicate” them. In short, he made it clear that the destruction of the Matabeleland civilians was part of a deliberate state policy — and the very next day, came the country’s worst massacre yet, on the banks of the Ciwale River, when 62 people were killed.

The crimes against humanity perpetrated in Matabeleland left hundreds of thousands traumatised. Many still do not know where their loved ones are buried. The victims of Gukurahundi are deeply divided, stigmatised and discriminated against.

 

 

 

 

 In Kenya, Raila Odinga revealed that he has already been offered a whooping KSh 25 billion to abandon his quest for the presidency

 

 According to the Nation Newspaper, the scheme to throw NASA down the precipice targets all the NASA principals; Musalia Mudavadi, Kalonzo Musyoka and Moses Wetangula.

Mr Raila Odinga of Kenya opposition to the Kenyan government.



This according to the NASA flag-bearer, is a back-door plan to turn Kenya into a single-party state. Although he did not name names, Raila claimed that he had rejected the KSh 25 billion the same way Jesus rejected temptation from the devil. “Jubilee Party is watching our every step. They want to know Raila’s every move and I am sure they are listening to what I am saying here,” Raila was quoted by Nation.

In addition to the hefty package, Raila was offered the position of becoming Kenya’s ambassador-at-large with elaborate international duties. Raila claims that Jubilee is attempting to offer NASA co-principals money, plum positions or even threaten them into submission.

He claimed that the initial offer to tempt him with retirement stood at KSh 3 billion but quickly rose to KSh 25 billion.

In his words, the bribery was akin to the temptations that Jesus was subjected to by the devil during his 40 -day fast in the wilderness. TUKO.co.ke understands Musalia Mudavadi, a co-principal was also offered a tempting offer to leave the alliance to which he gave a resounding no. On Kalonzo Musyoka, Raila said that the former Vice President is going through a hard time and it will not be a surprise if the government approaches him with an offer. To steel the alliance from falling wayward, Raila asked the leaders to be strong and brace themselves for a long political battle that will liberate Kenya from bad leadership

The Bunyoro pressure group is taking to the courts of law the Uganda Communication Commision, for putting blame on them for the high illegal immigration in the province of Bunyoro: 

By Robert Atuhairwe

 

Added 17th October 2017

 

BUKITAREPA, through M/S Ayena and Odongo &Co Advocates, allege that Mutabaazi used his position as UCC executive director to issue directives to radio stations in Bunyoro sub-region to stop hosting them, alleging that they were sectarian.

 

Dovicobatwale 703x422

Mr Dovico Batwale

Bunyoro Kitara Reparations Agency (BUKITAREPA), a pressure group advocating for the rights of the indigenous Banyoro, has dragged Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) and its executive director, Godfrey Mutabaazi, to Masindi High Court for allegedly infringing on their constitutional right of expression.

Mr Dovico Batwale, the regional co-ordinator of BUKITAREPA, in his affidavit on August 10, 2017, said by the selfish directive of the second respondent, all FM radio stations operating in Bunyoro have since refused or declined to broadcast any programme or information by the applicant.

Batwale says this has denied the people of Bunyoro the right to information.

He said the applicant has been at the vanguard of mobilising the people of Bunyoro to press the state to recognise and enforce their rights to land and other rights as a marginalised people by reason of history.

Batwale avers that the only means of communication to the people of Bunyoro has been through FM radio stations operating in the region.

“The said directive (UCC) is against the dignity, welfare and interest of the people of Bunyoro and intends to undermine their status and as such is prohibited by and against Article 32(2) of the Constitution, among others,” he stated.

The applicant is seeking orders by court that the respondent retracts the directive to all or any FM radio stations in Bunyoro not to broadcast any programme or information by the applicant.

BUKITAREPA also wants a permanent injunction issued against the respondents, their agents, workmen and all from issuing any such directives.

Efforts to get a comment from Fred Otunu, the UCC Corporate Affairs director, were futile as his mobile phone was switched off by press time.

Mutabaazi in his May 25 letter directed that Radio Hoima, the oldest FM radio station in the region, be switched off air for allegedly hosting BUKITAREPA programmes which were viewed to be inciting violence.

He said the statements or utterances were in breach of the minimum broadcasting standards under Section 31 and schedule 4 of the Uganda Communications Act,  2013.

The radio station was re-opened two days later.

The Kamuswaga of Kooki county a break away territory of the State of Buganda is under fire over unfulfilled pledges:

Kooki leader. Kamuswaga Sansa Kabumbuli.  FILE

Kooki leader. Kamuswaga Sansa Kabumbuli. FILE PHOTO 

By PAUL SSEKANDI

RAKAI. A section of people in Kooki Chiefdom, Rakai District have criticised their cultural leader, Kamuswaga Apollo Sansa Kabumbuli II, over unfulfilled pledges.
The subjects claim that Kamuswaga together with his premier, Mr Iddi Kiwanuka, made several pledges to help foster development in the area but none of them have been fulfilled yet.
The pledges were made during Kamuswaga’s tour of the 11 sub-counties that make up Kooki Chiefdom between May and October last year while others were made 10 years ago. Some of the pledges were meant to address emergencies such as food relief, youth unemployment and construction of classroom blocks at Kirangira Primary School in Kagamba Sub-county that was hit by an earthquake last year.
Ms Rashidah Nakyanzi, a youth in Nakawama Village, says she was forced to quit her job in Kampala after Kamuswaga allegedly promised her a better paying job at his palace. 
“Kamuswaga promised to employ us at the palace and I resigned my job as an accountant and waited for his appointment letter, but up to now, I have failed to secure the job he promised despite several reminders. If he was not sure, he shouldn’t have made such a pledge,” Ms Nakyanzi said in an interview. 
According to the complainants, Kamuswaga promised to tackle youth unemployment by employing some of the youth at his palace as well as creating other income generating activities.
They said Kamuswaga also promised to dispatch a consignment of food relief to people, who were hit by hunger last year in Kagamba Sub-county, construct houses for the needy and elderly, distribute coffee seedlings and give bursaries to students at tertiary institutions. 
Mr Godfrey Mutaawe, the head teacher of Kirangira Primary School, said failure by the Kamuswaga to fulfil his pledges would taint his image and that of his cultural institution.
“When our classroom block got damaged, we made a public appeal for support and Kamuswaga promised to come to our rescue through his premier but his assistance is not forthcoming,” Mr Mutaawe said. 
Daily Monitor has learnt that Mr Godfrey Kimbugwe, the Kooki deputy prime minister, recently contributed Shs200,000 as school fees to Ms Nakawuuki, a Senior Four student at St Aloysius SS-Lwamagwa. 
The donation followed reports that Nakawuuki, who had earlier been promised a full bursary by Kamuswaga, was going to miss her final 0-Level exams.
“I have received Shs200,000 as part of her (Nakawuuki) school fees, I will allow her to sit for the examinations on condition that her mother will pay the balance of Shs350,000 because Kamuswaga has failed to fulfil his pledge,” said Mr Achilles Mwesigye, the school head teacher. 
Real Production, a drama group which performs at Kamuswaga official functions, also complains about a trip to the United Kingdom, which was promised to the group, but has not taken place to date.
“We were promised a trip to the UK and the group was supposed to travel in December 2016 but all that never happened. There is also some money they have not paid for performing at their functions,” Mr Haruna Senyondo, the director of Real Production, said.
The drama group was also tasked to come up with Makooki, the chiefdom official traditional dance. 
“We cannot work in an environment of deceitful people, let Kamuswaga clarify on the unexplained delays. What is happening is unacceptable and affects the working relationship we have with them,’’ Mr Senyondo said. 
When contacted, Mr Stanley Ndawula, the information minister for Kamuswaga, admitted that there has been delay in fulfilling some of the pledges, but promised that all will be fulfilled soon.
“We are not politicians that are looking for votes, we work for our people to change their lives and if there is a delay in fulfilling the pledges, it should not be a big issue. We didn’t put a timeframe to fulfil the pledges,” Mr Ndawula said in an interview.

The famous Bugisu Arabic Coffee Cooperative Union is awash with petitions:

Bugisu Co-operative Union chairperson Nathan

Bugisu Co-operative Union chairperson Nathan Nandala Mafabi talks to government officials and members of the cooperative union after a past annual general meeting. PHOTO BY MUDANGHA KOLYANGHA. 

Mbale- Formed in 1954, Bugisu Co-operative Union (BCU) remains one of Uganda’s few farmer-owned entities that have survived since the closure of the Uganda Co-operative Bank on May 19, 1999.
Operating as a joint marketing point for the coffee in Bugisu sub-region, BCU derives its core mandate from member primary societies.
Each primary society is represented by two delegates from whom the board of directors is elected.

However, its future hangs in the balance as the management is overwhelmed with more than 563 petitions from members who are dissatisfied with the current leadership.
Mr Nathan Nandala Mafabi, the Budadiri West Member of Parliament, is the reigning chairperson of BCU board, but his leadership has faced a host of challenges since he took over office in 2008.
Mr Mafabi, a renowned economist, became chairperson of the board after the dissolution of the Mr Stephen Wakyaya team by the Ministry of Tourism, Trade and Industry.
The petitioners, who refer to themselves as “BCU LTD”, including former BCU members, accuse the current leadership of abuse of office, mismanagement and embezzlement of funds.
However, the Mafabi’s team has dismissed the allegations.

Mr Paul Mugoya, the chairperson of BCU Elders’ Forum, believes the petitioners are becoming an encumbrance at a time when revival efforts are needed.
Mr Mugoya, who is also a delegate to the BCU general assembly, told Daily Monitor during an interview; “Instead of designing future strategies of uplifting the union, they (leaders) spend a lot of time and resources attending to summons over false allegations raised by selfish individuals.”
Currently, the Criminal Investigations and Intelligence Directorate is investigating both the former and current co-operative leadership over alleged cases of abuse of office, embezzlement and the financial loss the entity has suffered since 1995.

“It’s alleged that these offences were committed during the tenure of your office and the current board chairman,” the letter addressed to Mr John Wamulungwa, the former vice chairperson of the board, reads in part.

Mr Wamulungwa claimed responsibility for masterminding the petitions the farmers filed with the police and different government offices because “they are not happy with the state of affairs at the union.”
“We have written more than 400 petitions but the responsible government officers have not been apprehended, except the Inspector General of Police who has instituted the ongoing investigations into fraud in the union,” he says.
Mr Wamulungwa says they have continuously filed petitions because the BCU leadership has ignored pertinent issues raised in meetings.
“When you stay with a problem, it affects you in the long run. The petitions will take them to prison,” he says.

Mr Wamulungwa and other former board members are accused of selling BCU properties including land on Plot 23 Bishop Wasike Road, Plot 29 Eden road, Mt Elgon Hotel -all in Mbale Town and also 618 acres of land at Doko on the Mbale-Tirinyi Road during their tenure.
He, however, acknowledged the selling of properties in what he claims to be “a lawful move” aimed at settling debts incurred during procurement of a Shs5.2 billion processing machine.

In a September 18 petition signed by Wamulungwa, Robert Wanzala and Gibson Gidagui, and addressed to the general manager BCU and registrar of cooperative societies, the union leadership is accused of misusing Shs9.2 billion received from government in 2015.
“Despite the fact that the union received Shs9.2 billion from the government in 2015, there are no funds to carry out meaningful coffee business,” the petition reads in part.

But the current leaders deny the allegations, saying the money was compensation for the losses the union incurred when the government suspended its board in 2010.
“The government had even refused to give us the last installment because of their endless false petitions against the union. But I managed to persuade the President and the money was released,” Mr Magoya, says.
Mr Mugoya claims the union lost Shs9.2 billion due to their petitions but the government compensated them.

During a special annual general meeting last Friday in Mbale Town, Mr Mafabi revealed that the petitions against his leadership have affected the smooth running of the union.
“It poses a big challenge but there is no need to worry. Those cases will not swallow us,” he says.

Mr Mafabi alleges that petitioners are being funded by multi-national coffee dealers with the ultimate intention of squeezing the local entity out of business.
“If they were using their money, they would have given up because printing and photocopying 50 paged documents and distributing them to various offices is too expensive to be sustained for long,” he says.
Mr Mafabi assures the members that his leadership is ready to deal with the petitions which he said arose from “malicious allegations” by a small group.

Last year, he told the annual general meeting that despite challenges, his leadership had tirelessly increased the working capital for the union from a deficit of Shs782m to Shs7.4 billion by 2015.
Speaking to Daily Monitor at the weekend, Mr John Musila, the vice chairperson of BCU, said the union is bigger than the individuals and that they will do whatever it takes to save it.

“BCU is a symbol of unity and prosperity for Bamasaaba. We will not allow individuals to bring it down,” he said. Mr Musila said the new partnership with Gumutindo Cooperative Coffee Enterprise (GCC) is one of the strong indicators that the union will continue fighting for better market shares against the multi-national dealers.
The Gumutindo enterprise was established in 1997 as a brain child of BCU, with a sole aim of improving the quality of Arabic coffee but later became autonomous following leadership gaps then.
At that time, the two parties signed a memorandum of understanding that saw BCU specialise in marketing of conventional coffee while GCC dealt in only organic Arabic coffee.
Currently, according to Mr Musila, a new partnership has been signed to jointly save GCC from collapsing.

During the Friday annual general meeting, Mr Joseph Williams Kitandwe, the commissioner of cooperatives in the Ministry of Trade, acknowledged receipt of the petitions.
He said there is need to end the infighting between the former and current leadership because it stifles the growth of the union.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

Ugandan traders that import goods into the land locked country of Uganda, are made to suffer and pay up by the Kenya Harbour Authority at Mombasa:

Unfortunately, Uganda has no ocean harbour to be proud of in this modern competitive global trade.

 

Minister Kyambadde (Centre) meets with the complainants in November 2016. On her right is Kenyan Deputy Hign commissioner to Uganda Robert Ngesu explaining a point. Courtesy photo

2nd March, 2017

 

UGANDA, KAMPALA. Ugandan traders whose containers are still stuck at Mombasa Port have decried the delay in clearing their containers by Kenya Ports Authority.
Late last, a group of Ugandan traders filed a complaint with Interpol accusing the Kenya Ports Authority (KPA), Semelado Investments Ltd/Sharis Logistics and Cargo Hauliers Investments of making them incur losses of up to $137,000 and their containers at Mombasa port.
The three traders, Mr Uthman Kimera, Mr Robert Kisitu and Ms Diana Nasuna under LAMAR, a representative of Sinosolar International Uganda Limited, filed a complaint with Interpol and nine other institutions including the ministry of Trade, the ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Inspector-General of Police in Kenya, among others, on November 7.

In a phone interview with Daily Monitor yesterday, Mr Elly Womanya, the deputy director Interpol Uganda, said the investigations were being handled by their Kenyan counterparts Interpol Kenya. “The complainants were invited to make statements in Kenya and they have travelled to Kenya,” Mr Womanya said.
However, Ms Diana Nasuna, one of the complainants said they have not travelled to Kenya and are scared on going back there to make statements.
“Why can’t we make our statements from here, we cannot travel back to Mombasa because we are not certain of the outcomes,” she said.
Mr Uthman Kimera, however said they had been engaging Trade minister Amelia Kyambadde who had since referred them to the Kenya High Commission to Uganda because her several letters had not been responded to yet.

Meetings
Ms Kyambadde met with the Kenyan Deputy High Commissioner to Uganda, Mr Robert Ngesu, in November last year, to address the harassment accusations by Ugandan traders against KPA and Kenyan clearing agents.
Ms Kyambadde also met Uthman Kimera, Robert Kisitu and Diana Nasuna at the ministry later that month to ascertain their claims and status of the problem. In the meeting were other claimants including UNRA - Kaaya ltd case, Alimondo ltd- MS. GMK East Africa, Sinohydro and Lamack Hotels and Resorts. These narrated to the Minister the mistreatment, harassment and extortion they were subjected to at the hands of KPA authorities and clearing firms.

jadengo@ug.nationmedia.com

 

Abavubuka abekibiina kya Nkobazambogo e Buganda bawadde amagezi Governmenti ya Uganda elekerawo obulumbaganyi obuyitiridde bwekola eri Omumbere we Rwenzururu:

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Added 19th January 2017

 

Eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda, Daniel Muliika ng'ali n'abavubuka ba Nkobazambogo. EKIF: DICKSON KULUMBA

 

ABAVUBUKA ba Nkobazambogo mu ggombolola y'e Lubaga mu ssaza ly'e Kyadondo, bavuddeyo nebateeka Gavumenti ku nninga okuyimbula Omusinga w'e Rwenzururu awatali kakwakkulizo konna kamuteekebwako.

 

Kino kimu ku byasaliddwawo mu Lusirika lwe babaddemu okuva 12-14,01,2017 ku Children's Corner ekisangibwa ku luguudo Gaddhafi e Makerere okuliraana LDC.

Luno lwagguliddwaawo Omutaka Nakirembeka, Ying. Allan Waligo eyabasabye bulijjo banywerere ku mulamu gw'ekibiina kyabwe.

 

Lwetabiddwamu abavubuka abasusse mu 50 wansi w'omulamwa
'Obuvunanyizibwa bw'omuvubuka mu kukuuma ekitiibwa kya Buganda'.

Eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda, Dan Muliika ye yalugguddewo ku Lwomukaaga (January 14, 2017) n'akuutira abavubuka bano okusooka okumanya n'okutegera ebyafaayo bya Buganda olwo balyoke babeereko bye batereza.

Muliika yagambye nti "Enfuga ya Buganda eyalimu obwenkanya, obwesimbu ate nga erumirirwa n'okukulakulanya abantu y'esaana okwettanirwa olwo abavubuka lwe banasobola okukuuma Ekitiibwa kya Buganda."

Oluvannyuma lw'olusirika abavubuka bano bayisizza ekiwandiiko ekitongole nga kirimu ensonga musanvu ezaasaliddwawo:

  1. Olusirika luno lujja kutegekebwanga mu mwezi gwa Gatonnya buli mwaka wansi w’ekibiina Baganda Nkobazambogo Students Association.
  2. Tugenda kukolera wamu ne Bajjajja Abataka abakulu ab’obusolya nga tulambula obutaka bwaffe era buli muzzukulu waakufissaawo akadde aweereze Obwakabaka nga tuyita mu bika byaffe.
  3. Tuvumirira enteekateeka ya Buganda Land Board ey’okuwandiisa abantu ku ttaka lya Kabaka nga tebamaze kusomesebwa era tuwakanya ne ssekuwakanya enteekateeka ya Katikkiro gye yalangirira ey’okutunda ebibanja mu Lubiri lwaffe olw’e Mmengo.
  4. Tusazeewo wateekebwewo akakiiko okagenda okutalaaga amasomero ag’enjawulo wonna mu Uganda kasomese abavubuka ku miramwa gya Nkobazambogo wamu n’ensonga enkulu eziruma nnyaffe Buganda nga enfuga ya Federo, ensonga z’ettaka_ n’ebirala.
  5. Tusaba Katikkiro wa Buganda aveeyo annyonnyole Obuganda ebiri mu “Memorandum of Understanding” n’ensonga z’Olubiri olwayidde e Nakasongola era akomye okukola ebyo ebitayise mu Lukiiko lwa Buganda.
  6. Ng’abavubuka ba Buganda, tuvumirira ne ssekuvumirira yenna engeri gavumenti y’awakati gy'ekuttemu ensonga z'Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu era twagala Omusinga ateebwe bunnambiro addeyo alamule Obusinga bwe awatali kussibwako kakwakkulizo konna.
  7. Tujja kuwagira ensonga yonna enyweza Namulondo kyokka tujja kuvangayo okulwanyisa buli nsonga yonna esoomooza Nnamulondo ne Buganda okutwaliza awamu!

Ye Ssentebe w'abavubuka bano, Joseph Njuki Musaazi yajjukizza abavubuka nti omulimu ogusooka kwe kutaasa n'okukuuma Kabaka wamu ne Buganda bw'atyo n'abasaba okukomya okutitiira ku buli nsonga ezibeera zikosa Obwakabaka.

 

Nb

Jo juuzi Mumbere nabano ba king ba M7 abe Bugerere, Buluuli, Busoga, Bunyoro baakola summit yabwe nga baggumizza enfuga enungi eya NRM eyakomyawo ebyabwe mubujjuvu. Kakati gwe Nkobazambogo e Buganda, atubidde mu bunya oyagala ate kununula ani nga tonaba kwejja mukinya mwotubidde?

 

THE UGANDA MILITARY POLICE IS ON THE LOOK-OUT OVER THE NEW ‘OMUGABE’ WHO WANTS TO REVIVE  THE ANCIENT KINGDOM OF ANKOLE:

December 16, 2016

Written by Alon Mwesigwa

Two Ankole factions have accused one another of being impostors as they each claim to be the rightful leaders of the defunct kingdom.

This brings to life an age-old dispute over whether to have the controversial kingdom restored or not. George William Katatumba, the ‘recognised’ Enganzi (prime minister) of Ankole kingdom, which has all along held out Aryaija Charles Rwebishengye, son of the late Prince John Barigye, as heir to the throne, has written to Inspector General of Police Gen Kale Kayihura, accusing one Umar Asiimwe Ntare, who recently laid claim to the throne, of being an impostor.

He claimed Asiimwe has been soliciting money from the public to fund his illegal scheme. Asiimwe’s photos appeared on social media early this month amid claims that he had been crowned Omugabe (king) of Ankole.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda map(left, red is the territory of Ankole). It is a great and ancient cattle keeping African tribe.

 

 

Asiimwe purportedly named his cabinet, with former Makerere University vice chancellor Prof Venansius Baryamureeba as Enganzi (prime minister). Reacting to the development, Katatumba said Asiimwe and one Max Muhumuza, who was named as speaker in the cabinet, “have been impersonating the kingdom, obtaining money by false pretense, spreading harmful propaganda and, above all, dividing the people of Ankole.”

However, Muhumuza told The Observer that Prince Rwebishengye, who Katatumba holds out as the rightful future king, has never come out openly to claim the throne.

Muhumuza further claimed that Rwebishengye’s grandfather, Charles Godfrey Rutahaba Gasyonga II, who was Omugabe in 1967 when kingdoms were abolished, had stolen the throne.

“It was because he was educated at that time, that’s why he was favoured to be king,” Muhumuza said.

He accused Katutumba, who heads the Nkore Cultural Trust, of failure to unite the institution.

“Katutumba spent 20 years without calling any meeting at all, and he thinks that he is representing Banyankore,” Muhumuza said. “Our part is to see that Obugabe is there.”

He added: “There is no competition; Rwebishengye has never been our king.”

NO HEADWAY

As other monarchies were restored in the early 1990s, Ankole was left out because of disagreements about its raison d’etre. In 1993, after Prince John Patrick Barigye was secretly crowned king in Mbarara, President Museveni came out and dismissed the coronation as a sham.

In 1971, Ankole elders wrote to President Idi Amin advising that as he contemplated restoring monarchies, Ankole should be left out because it was divisive and not supported by the majority.

After the restoration of other kingdoms in 1993, two organisations were formed in support and against the Ankole institution - Nkore Cultural Trust (NCT) and Banyankore Cultural Foundation (BCF) respectively.

When The Observer published a series of articles on Ankole kingdom in 2011, Makerere University law don Prof Jean John Barya, a member of BCF, said: “Firstly, Ankole kingdom has no historical legitimacy; it is a colonial creation. At the time of colonization in 1901, Nkore kingdom comprised of the present Kashaari, part of Isingiro and Nyabushozi; there were also kingdoms like Mpororo, Igara, Buhweju, and Buzimba. The British annexed them to Nkore kingdom and called it Ankole.”

Therefore, Barya said, it would be very difficult for Rwebishengye or any other person claiming to be Ankole king to lay claim on the kingship.

QUIET PRINCE

Since he was declared his father’s heir in 2011, Rwebishengye has been quiet. The Observer understands that he has been studying at the University of Portsmouth in the United Kingdom. He last posted something on his Facebook page on November 7, 2015, sharing a link to luxury designer jewelry for men.

On the other hand, very little is known about Asiimwe and his claim to the Ankole throne. Muhumuza told us that he is a great grandson of Ntare V, who he says was the Ankole king up to 1888 when the whites started fighting local leaders. Ntare is not related to Gasyonga as the latter made a king through a court process presided over by whites.

He added that they are ready for a DNA test to prove Asiimwe’s  royalty.

amwesigwa@observer.ug

 

The United States of America has spoken out about the official burial of King Kigeli V of Ruanda: 

By Wilson Manishimwe

Added 5th November 2016

 

 
King Kigeli V of Ruanda who only ruled for two years, 1959/61 before he was overthrown, and his country declared a Republic up to now.
 

 

The United States of America has issued a statement assuring Rwandans that their last monarch Kigeli V will be buried in his home country without announcing the date of burial.

After his death, tensions escalated between his personal aides and a delegation from Kigali led by Pastor Ezra Mpyisi on where he should be buried.

 

His aides residing in the US wanted Kigeli V to be buried in America whereas the relatives in Rwanda wanted him buried in his home land.

 

However, in the statement, the relatives of the King revealed that he would be buried at his native home in Mwima Nyaza, the South Province where he was inaugurated.

The burial date has not been announced yet.

Kigeli V’s spokesperson Bonniface Benzige, while speaking to Voice of America, said he will not let the king be buried in Rwanda.

Jean-Baptiste Ndahindurwa, who belongs to a tutsi minority African tribespeople amongst the majority Hutu African tribespeople of Ruanda, King Kigeli V ruled from July 28, 1959 until the overthrow of the Rwandan Monarch on January 28, 1961 only two years later. He died three weeks ago in exile.

Aged 80, he succumbed to illness in the state of Virginia, USA.

 

 

 

 

A PUBLIC LETTER TO THE KABAKA OF BUGANDA FROM THE SON OF IDI AMIN, THE  MILITARY COMMANDER OF DR OBOTE:

 

UFS Katikiro Peter Mayiga.
Uganda Tourism Board
Buganda Tourism Board

Date: 17/07/2016

 

Dear Sabassajja Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II.

 

It is with great sorrow that I write today.
I have been told a surreal story about the tourism currently being conducted at your Lubiri palace.
As we all know, after the sad events of 1966 as ordered by Milton Obote, the Buganda palace was turned into a military facility. It became the base for the Malire Mechanized Battalion. Subsequent armies after Amin also utilized the barracks until when it was returned to Buganda.
Today European tourists flock there not because it is a Buganda kingdom cultural venue, but because someone decided to tell unsuspecting visitors that there is a dungeon there where Amin used to torture people. Why are your subjects unscrupulously using my fathers name just to get money?
Any military specialist will tell you that what they are calling a torture chamber, is in fact a former weapons storage bunker built by Amin. The place where ammunition for tanks, artillery, mortar, heavy machine guns, assault rifles, grenades and RPG's were kept.
It is designed with a mountain of sand on top of it. This is a precaution to contain damage in case the bombs accidentally explode from the stores underneath.
I humbly request that you tell your subjects to at least speak truth rather than seek to make money dishonestly by tarnishing my fathers name.
I have been told that even school children are being taken there and fooled about the place. Apparently one of those involved in the scam has even written "someones last words" on the walls, and in red color for added effect. Something that is scientifically impossible if they say such things happened there 40 years ago.
The Uganda Tourist Board (UTB) and The Buganda Tourism Boars hace conjointly created "The Kampala Walk" that takes tourists on a walk around the capital city. And this armoury is said to feature in that tour as "Amin's torture chamber".
Even one tourist who had visited wrote recently that: "Our next major stop was the Empukku, the torture chambers used by Idi Amin during his reign of power from 71-79. As we approached the surprisingly simple but eerily evil cave-like structure, I found myself overwhelmed with grief of the thoughts of all the people who must have died in this very place."
Sincerely Your Highness I hope somebody is making you legitimize this scam unknowingly.
Because all those who created stories about Field Marshal Idi Amin are either seeking for money by first engineering sympathy and sadness, or they are seeking favors from his many enemies. But I don't see what more fame your highness needs in this country.
I also wonder if it makes sense for those behind this to create hate (even with gross falsehoods) rather than building national unity today.
If you crosscheck appropriately, the same weapons bunker design is available in all armies, from the UK to Asia, US and Africa. With possibility for a vehicle to reverse to the stores and offload/upload ammunition easily just like at a hardware factory store, where the slide doors are about a meter from the ground.
The Tanzanian forces, Obote's genocidal UNLA, and the NRA armies also stored ammunition in the facility when they occupied the barracks after President Idi Amin left the country in 1979.
I know that a tourist attraction is an important income generating project. But why do they make the whole Kabaka earn from unsuspecting wazungu tourists by lying in broad daylight about His Excellency President Idi Amin.
Kindly consider discussing this shameful behaviour by some of your subjects on your property.

 

Kind regards,

 

Hussein Lumumba Amin

 

Ab’e Busoga Province, Uganda, enjala ebazinzeko kakati basiibirira bibala nga emiyembe ne ffenne!

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 1st June 2016

 

BW’OBA olina abantu bo e Busoga ng’oludde okubawuliza, y’essaawa okutuukayo obalabe ekiriyo si kulwa nga bakufaako nga totegedde!

 


Famire ku kyalo Igalaza mu ggombolola y’e Kagulu ng’erya ekyemisana eky’emiyembe.

 

BW’OBA olina abantu bo e Busoga ng’oludde okubawuliza, y’essaawa okutuukayo obalabe ekiriyo si kulwa nga bakufaako nga totegedde!

Enjala eri mu bitundu by’e Busoga abaayo ejula kubatta era kati famire ezimu bwe zirya ekyemisana, ekyeggulo bakirunga mu mmindi sso ng’abalala kati basiibirira ffene, miyembe n’obuugi obutaliimu ssukaali.

Enjala okusinga eri mu disitulikiti y’e Buyende ne Kamuli sso nga ne ku maduuka, ebbeeyi y’ebintu yeekanamye, era ebadde emmere kati kafuuse kamere.

Embeera eno yeeraliikirizza abantu bangi mu kiseera kino nga balindirira amakungula ga July.

Okusinziira ku ssentebe w’eggombolola y’e Kagulu, Stephen Malagala, yagambye nti, “Kati akalembereza akaliwo ka miyembe egiyambye famire ennyingi, era tusaba sizoni yaagyo ereme kuggwaako tuleme kusigala nga twayuuya.”

Yagambye nti ebbula ly’emmere livudde ku kyeya ekyakuba ebyalo wakati wa December 2015 ne March 2016, era enkuba we yatonnyera nga lumonde avunze. Ku byalo; Igalaza, Nabbuku, Bukutula, Nkoone, Nsomba n’ebirala, famire ezimu ziwanula ebibbo by’emiyembe ne batuula okwo okwetaasa.

Abaana abato be bawa ku kuugi ne banywako. “Obuwunga nabwo kati tetukyabusobola. Kkiro kati eri wakati wa 1,200/- ne 2,000/-,” Rev. Robert Waiswa, Omwawule w’ekkanisa ya e Igalaza bwe yagambye.

Ye ow’ebyokwerinda mu ggombolola y’e Kagulu, Mubarak Bakaaki, yatidde nti kati n’obubbi bwandyeyongera n’asaba aboobuyinza okubaako kye bakolawo. Ebbeeyi y’emmere mu maduuka erinnye.

Kkiro ya muwogo omukalu eyali mu 300/- kati eri ku 800/-, kasooli eyali ku 400/- kati ali ku 1,000/-.

Omuceere ogwali ku 2,200/- kati guli wakati wa 2,800/- ne 3,600/-, ensawo y’obumonde eyali ku 80,000/- kati eri ku 160,000/-, emirengo gya muwogo ne lumonde egyali ku 1,000/- kati giri ku 2,000/- sso ng’akalo kaavudde ku 2,400/- ne kadda ku 3,000/-.

Akulira ebyobulimi e Buyende, Dr. Fredrick Kabbale yalabudde abantu okukozesa enkuba n’obuvunaanyizibwa nga buli etonnya babaako ne kye basimba.

Nb

Tuwulira nti waliwo Ministry Eddukirira ebizibu nga bino. Kyandibadde kirungi abakozi baayo okuvayo bawe ku guidelines ekisanidde okukolebwa. Ensi nyingi zisobola okuyamba kukizibu kino ekirimu nabaana. Banange ennaku zino bwokuba omulanga ebaayo abayinza okuwulira nebajja bakuyamba oleme kufa njala gwe nabaanabo nabazzukulu!

Abayigiriza okulima nga ennaku zino bwetwawulira nti bali mumagye ga Uganda bebandibadde bayigiriza abalimi bano ekyokukola. Anti okulima kwewunyisa. Gwe ate bambi nga emiyembe ne ffenne byasobola okuyita mukyeeya emyezi 4 ekya December 2015 ne March 2016. Era nga kakati ye mmere edduukirira enjala y'Africa.

Munsi ze Bulaya ekyeya kya Winter kimala emyezi 6 mulamba. Tetuwulira nti bafa enjala.

 

 

Rwanda and Burundi are lost provinces of Bunyoro Kitara Empire.

Posted: 26/04/2016

These countries
were part of Bukoba District under German East Africa. They were part
of Belgiun Congo. So Rwanda-Burundi which was once one country, can
federate again and later federate with either Uganda, Tanzania, DR
Congo or the whole of East Africa.



 Burundi army general and security advisor to the vice president has been killed in
 an attack by heavily-armed men, with his wife and daughter on Monday
 morning

 Brigadier General Athanase Kararuza was ambushed by his killers while
 dropping his daughter off at school in Bujumbura.

 "They attacked him with rockets and grenades, his security detail tried
 to
 respond but unfortunately General Kararuza and his wife were killed," he
 told AFP, speaking on condition of anonymity.

 

THE INVENTOR OF MODERN ELECTRONIC-MAIL (E-MAIL), MR RAY TOMLINSON, HAS DIED!

BY SARAH SKIDMORE SELL, Associated Press

Mar. 6, 2016 

Raymond Tomlinson, the inventor of modern email and selector of the "@" symbol, has died.

Raytheon Co., his employer, on Sunday confirmed his death; the details were not immediately available.

Email existed in a limited capacity before Tomlinson in that electronic messages could be shared amid multiple people within a limited framework. But until his invention in 1971 of the first network person-to-person email, there was no way to send something to a specific person at a specific address.

The first email was sent on the ARPANET system, a computer network that was created for the U.S. government that is considered a precursor to the Internet. Tomlinson also contributed to its development.

At the time, few people had personal computers. The popularity of personal email wouldn't take off until years later but has become an integral part of modern life.

"It wasn't an assignment at all, he was just fooling around; he was looking for something to do with ARPANET," Raytheon spokeswoman Joyce Kuzman said of his creation of network email.

Tomlinson once said in a company interview that he created email "mostly because it seemed like a neat idea." The first email was sent between two machines that were side-by-side, according to that interview.

He said the test messages were "entirely forgettable and I have, therefore, forgotten them." But when he was satisfied that the program seemed to work, he announced it via his own invention by sending a message to co-workers explaining how to use it.

Tomlinson chose the "@" symbol to connect the username with the destination address and it has now become a cultural icon.

Why that symbol? Kuzman said Tomlinson was looking at the keyboard and needed something that would not otherwise be part of the address and that seemed to be a logical solution.

"It is a symbol that probably would have gone away if not for email," she said.

MoMA's Department of Architecture and Design added the symbol into its collection in 2010, with credits to Tomlinson.

Tomlinson held electrical engineering degrees from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Tomlinson was an inductee to the Internet Hall of Fame and recipient of numerous awards and accolades but was described as humble and modest.

"People just loved to work with him," Kuzman said. "He was so patient and generous with his time ... He was just a really nice, down-to-earth, good guy."

Tomlinson was hired by Bolt Beranek and Newman, known as BBN, in 1967. It was later acquired by Raytheon Co., where he still worked at the time of his death, as a principal scientist.

He lived in Lincoln, Massachusetts where he raised miniature sheep. Attempts to contact his family were unsuccessful.

While more general email protocols were later developed and adopted, Tomlinson's contributions were never forgotten.

"He was pretty philosophical about it all," Kuzman said. "And was surprisingly not addicted to email."

Mu Uganda, Besigye eby’okugenda mu kkooti abivuddeko:

By Ahmed Mukiibi

Added 27th February 2016

Kino Besigye yakisazzeewo oluvannyuma lw’okutuula ne ttiimu ya balooya be abasoba mu 10 ne basalawo nti ennaku ettaano ezisigaddewo okuwawaabira omusango mu kkooti ey’oku ntikko tezisobola kubamala kukuhhaanyizzaamu bujulizi bwe beetaaga.

Dr Kizza Besigye ava e Rukungiri- Kigezi,

Western Province of Uganda.

COL. Kiiza Besigye aggye enta mu by’okugenda mu kkooti okuwakanya ebyavudde mu kulonda kwa Pulezidenti.

Kino Besigye yakisazzeewo oluvannyuma lw’okutuula ne ttiimu ya balooya be abasoba mu 10 ne basalawo nti ennaku ettaano ezisigaddewo okuwawaabira omusango mu kkooti ey’oku ntikko tezisobola kubamala kukuhhaanyizzaamu bujulizi bwe beetaaga.

Besigye yawanguddwa mu kulonda kwa Pulezidenti okwabaddewo nga February18, nga yafunye obululu 3,508,687 (35.61%).

Pulezidenti Museveni yawagudde n’obululu 5,971,872 bye bitundu (60.62 %), wabula ebyavudde mu kulonda, Besigye n’aboludda oluvuganya baabiwakanyizza nga balumiriza nti okulonda kwabaddemu okubba obululu era tekwabadde kwa mazima na bwenkanya.

Konsitityusoni ya Uganda mu katundu 104 eragira omuntu yenna atamatidde na bivudde mu kulonda, okutwala omusango mu kkooti ey’oku ntikko mu nnaku 10, okuva ebyavudde mu kulonda lwe birangiriddwa.

Ebyavudde mu kulonda byalangirirwaku Lwomukaaga oluwedde nga February 20, ekitegeeza nti Besigye alina okutuuka mu Lwokubiri olujja nga March 1, 2016 okuba ng’atutte omusango mu kkooti kyokka ensonda mu FDC zaategeezezza nti Besigye yabivuddeko oluvannyuma lwa Bannamateeka be okumuwabula nti obudde buweddeyo.

Mu kafubo ak’ekyama akaatudde mu maka ga Besigye e Kansangati mu Wakiso, Balooya ab’enjawulo okwabadde, Yusuf Nsibambi, Daudi Mpanga, Ernest Kalibala n’abalala bategeezezza nti Besigye yeetaaga ssente ezitakka wansi w’obukadde 500 okukuhh’aanya obujulizi okuva mu bitundu bya Uganda eby’enjawulo.

Ng’oggyeeko ensimbi, Bannamateeka baategeezezza Besigye nti mu nnaku ttaano ezibulayo, yeetaaga ttiimu ya Balooya abasukka mu 100 okugenda mu byalo okukuhhaanya obujulizi babusse mu buwandiike kubanga omusango ogw’okuwakanya ebivudde mu kulonda, amateeka galagira nti obujulizi bulina kubeera bwa biwandiiko byokka.

“ Balooya baategeezezza Besigye nti mu kiseera kino kizibu okukuhhaanya obujulizi obwetaagisa bw’aba waakuwaaba omusango ogutegeerekeka so ssi okuwaaba obuwaabi okutuusa omukolo”, omu ku bannamateeka eyasabye amannya okusirikirwa bwe yategeezezza.

Omusango gwabadde gwakulirwa abalamuzi ba kkooti ey’oku ntikko musanvu nga bakulirwa Ssaabalamuzi Bart Magunda Katureebe n’abalala mukaaga abaabadde bagenda okulonda nga mu bano mulimu Jotham Tumwesigye, Esther Mayambala Kisaakye, Stella Arach-Amoko, Augustine Nshimye, Faith Mwondha, Rubby Aweri Opio, Eldad Mwangusya, ne Lillian Tibatemwa Ekirikubinza.

Wabula Bannamateeka ba FDC baagambye nti tebalina bwesige mu balamuzi ba kkooti Enkulu kubanga mulimu abaali bannabyabufuzi n’olwekyo okugenda mu kkooti yaabwe kubeera kuyisa bivvulu.

Ono Best Man kumbaga ya M7 eyomukaaga ayogedde. Zo emperekeze ne Matron baagala mulimu mu Company ya M7. Ani oba amanyi omusimbi gwenkanawa gwafunye okukubiriza abalonzi ba Uganda abangi okujja mukalulu ka Republic ya Uganda? Kibi nti n'Abaganda bangi nyo bakubiriza okwetaba mukalulu ka Republic ate nga batuuze mu bwa Kabaka bwa Buganda.

Some Cultural leaders in the Provinces of Uganda have demanded government protection against their subjects:

Mr George Kyaligonza, the secretary general of Uganda Kings and Cultural Institutions, greets King Charles Mumbere outside the Rwenzururu Kingdom palace in Kasese Town on Friday. PHOTO BY MORRIS MUMBERE

BY MORIS MUMBERE & FELIX BASIIME

Posted  Sunday, April 10  2016 

UGANDA, Kasese: Traditional cultural leaders in the country have asked government to redeploy the UPDF guards they withdrew early this week from Rwenzururu King Charles Mumbere, arguing that it is his constitutional right to be guarded by government.
Uganda Kings and Cultural Leaders Forum (UKCLF), an association of all traditional leaders in the country, met at Rwenzururu Kingdom palace in Kasese Town on Friday to try to defuse the escalating bloodshed in the mountainous region.

“Imagine putting someone’s life in danger and yet you’re there to protect him. Because of misunderstandings, then you decide to withdraw security, what if something happens, what will people think?” Isabaruuli Mwogezi Butanyanya, the chairperson of cultural leaders in Uganda, wondered at the Rwenzururu palace.
He said the Rwenzori problem is political, which government should first investigate before deploying forces or withdrawing security guards.

Speculation talk
Mr Mwatyansozi said the country has been fed on lies that Rwenzururu is agitating for a separate Yira Republic, but that during a closed meeting, King Mumbere said he did not have any agenda for a separatist state. He quoted Mumbere saying the speculation of the Yira statehood was a creation of the Kampala administration.
Mumbere lauded the kings for empathising with his him and meeting him to investigate what is taking place in the region.
Government withdrew its military guards following a Sunday evening shooting at Mumbere’s palace in which two soldiers were shot dead by the royal guards. The post-election violence in the region has left about 45 people dead since February.

King Umukuuka Mushikori Bob Saul Kipiro of Mbale, who attended the kings meeting, urged the President to treat all cultural leaders equally to allow peace prevail in the Rwenzori.
Mr Museveni has been holding closed meetings in Fort Portal, reportedly with political leaders from both NRM and Opposition from Kasese since yesterday, but details of the proceedings were not readily established by press time.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

Omufuzi wa Zimbabwe, Mr Mugabe owemyaka 92, amaliridde okufuga okutuusa okufa:

Mugabe became African Unity chairperson in January 2015 amid pomp and fanfare, but local analysts and opposition groups say his term was a disaster.

In his hour-long speech, the soon to be 92-year-old leader said he would lead Zimbabwe until God called him.

“I will be there until God says come, but as long as am alive I will head the country, forward ever, backward never,” he said.

Mugabe said those who were saying he must hand over power to others were not democratic. He said such calls were emanating from Europe.

President Mugabe who was preceded on the podium by UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon and the chairperson of the AU Commission Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma was cheered wildly as he took a pot shot at United States President Barack Obama.

“There is Obama today. What is he? A voice made to speak their language, not our language,” he charged.

“Blacks suffer in the US today, there is no education for all, health for all.”

Mugabe had stumbled lightly before he reached the podium. The Zimbabwean leader has been in power since independence in 1980.

Meanwhile, MDC-T spokesperson Obert Gutu said Zimbabweans should be relieved that Mugabe’s tenure as AU chair had ended.

“Mugabe’s tenure of office didn’t bring any positive results to Zimbabwe in particular and Africa in general,” he said.

“For instance, the hot political spots in Africa such as Burundi, Somalia, Libya and the DRC are still in turmoil.

“Mugabe didn’t do anything meaningful and tangible to resolve the various political problems in these troubled African countries.

“He was just hoping from one plane onto another in 2015 as the African political hot spots continued to burn.”

 Gutu said Mugabe has never been known to be an astute diplomat and trouble-shooter, but a talkative leader with less action.

“As for Zimbabwe, Mugabe was basically an absentee president in 2015 as he was always travelling,” he said.

“He travelled out of Zimbabwe a record 44 times, gobbling more than $60 million from the bankrupt national Treasury in the process, while the Zimbabwean economy remains in a comatose condition.”

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) international relations secretary, Willas Madzimure, said Mugabe was virtually “folding his hands while Zimbabwe and Africa burns” during his tenure.

He described him as the worst AU chair Africa ever had.

“His [Mugabe] report card as AU chair shows that Africa continues to be ravaged by wars, terror attacks, coups, food shortages, droughts, diseases, HIV and Aids, Ebola, corruption, human and child trafficking, child labour; and high unemployment while he and his continental henchmen stood akimbo,” Madzimure said.

He said Mugabe failed to provide political leadership to the continent, leaving most African problems unresolved and exploding into full-scale conflicts.

Serious problems are rife in South Sudan, Mali and Burkina Faso where General Gilbert Diendere staged a coup on September 16 2015.

In Burundi, another genocide is almost unfolding under Mugabe’s tenure after Pierre Nkurunzinza bulldozed himself to a third presidential term.

There is also growing insecurity on the continent with the rise of terror groups such as Boko Haram, Al Qaeda and ISIL in East, West and Northern Africa. This has forced many Africans to flee to Europe, with some perishing at sea.

“To all these heinous acts, the continental leader seemed to turn a blind eye, maybe realising he has often relied on the same tactics to extend his rule.

“Mugabe maintained his deafening silence on these tragic incidences,” Madzimure said.

During his tenure, Mugabe traversed the globe for presidential inaugurations and attended international conferences, but remained mum on the challenges some African countries were facing.

Doctor Bwanika abadde yesimbyewo ku bwa President bwa Uganda mukulonda kwa 18th February 2016 Poliisi emukwatidde Mutukula ng'afuluma Uganda okwesogga Tanzania:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

Posted: 19th February 2016

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

Dr. Abed Bwanika

 

Poliisi emukwatidde Mutukula ku nsalo ya Uganda ne Tanzania

DR. Abed Bwanika, Poliisi emukwatidde ku nsalo e Mutukula ng'afuluma Uganda okwesogga Tanzania.

Okusinziira ku musasi waffe John Bosco Mulyowa, Abed ategeezezza poliisi nti abadde atwala mukyala we kujjanjabibwa nayo n'emulagira akyuse n'omulwadde we badde e Kampala.

Wabula tekikakasiddwa oba ddala mukyala we abadde mulwadde.

 

Kyoka katemba namwe aba Uganda Police mulina obudde. Ono Comedian mwandimulese natwala Mukyalawe ewabwe e Tanzania.  Anti ono Doctor Bwanika MUZIBA. Ah ah.  Owa 33% Doctor omulala Besigye Omukiga akyaliwo, ate gwe owa 0.65% Kiki ekikuddusa?

The famous and ancient Bunyoro Kingdom in Uganda, demands properties from the Republican State led by President Museveni:

By Francis Mugerwa


Posted  Monday, January 25  2016

In Hoima Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom. This sold off Kingdom of Bunyoro has written to President Museveni demanding royalties, restituted properties and other unfulfilled presidential pledges. This is one of the Kingdoms in Uganda that took money from Dr Obote's government in 1966, and accepted to join the new Republican State that had been created by force of arms.

In a January 14 letter signed by the kingdom’s prime minister, Mr Norman Lukumu, the kingdom appreciates that cultural institutions, which had been abolished in 1967, were restored under the NRM government but says there is need to return lost properties.

“While some of the kingdom’s assets that were confiscated by the central government after the abolition of cultural institutions were returned, several other assets are still in the hands of government,” the letter states in part.
According to the letter, there is a list of pieces of land, forests, hills, cultural sites and estates that have to date never been returned.
“This has caused loss of revenue that the kingdom would have realised from the assets,” the letter states.

The Bunyoro Affairs state minister, Mr Ernest Kiiza, said the government has set up a negotiation committee led by the Attorney General over restituted properties.
“The verification exercise has been ongoing and soon we shall be concluding the exercise,” Mr Kiiza, who is also the Masindi municipality MP, said.
Mr Lukumu said the kingdom is pleased with the 1 per cent share of royalties accruing from oil that is enshrined in the Public Finance Act, 2015.

“Much as the percentage offered to the kingdom is much lower than the 12.5 per cent that the Omukama Solomon Gafabusa Iguru 1 asked for in his petition to Parliament in May, 2012, we are yet to start receiving our entitled oil royalties despite the ongoing pre-production oil transactions such as the farm down transactions between government and oil companies,” the letter reads in part.
The petition also informed the President that the people of Bunyoro have protected forests, national parks and other natural features since time immemorial.

“We are saddened to note that the kingdom does not share any royalties from Murchison Falls National Park, Kabwooya Kaiso-Tonya Game Reserve, and Karuma Wild Game Reserve, among others. It is our request that the kingdom be included in institutions that are entitled to royalties and other benefits from the said natural resources,” the letter reads.
Mr Kiiza said there is need to amend laws regarding sharing of royalties from national parks and game reserves to include cultural institutions or the kingdom can lobby districts that are already receiving royalties to allocate the institution a share.

fmugerwa@ug.nationmedia.com

Nb.

It seems that this is a temporary demand from this hereditary institution that seems all bent on staying put in a Republican State of Uganda for 50 years now. Bunyoro Kingdom sold off its Kingdom for Obote's cash in 1966.

 
 Mr Abdulla Nadduli of the NRM for the State of Buganda

Angered by persistent questions about his academic qualifications, Luweero LC-V chairman Abdul Nadduli has threatened to drag his doubters to court.

Nadduli is among 50 political aspirants listed for investigation for alleged lack of minimum senior six academic qualifications. Speaking on CBS radio’s Nze nga bwendaba (The way I see it) feature programme, Nadduli described the lingering questions as “nonsense” and threatened legal action.


“Stupidity among people differs. I’m going to [expose them]. Are they the ones who educated me?” he fumed. “If I don’t sue these people, they won’t understand.

When we got out of the bush, those children [opponents] were in primary. From 1972, I have been a history teacher at Kalasa Senior Secondary School teaching from senior one to senior four. Yet they say that I’m uneducated and I have never set foot in any school,” he said.

Nadduli had his re-election bid blocked in 2006 after the Electoral Commission found his academic papers wanting. However, in 2011, Nadduli bounced back and won the seat after he was cleared by the High court. Ronald Ndawula, Nadduli’s perennial arch-rival, had petitioned court then to block Nadduli.

“I am tired of that,” Nadduli said on Friday. “How many times will I have to explain? That is how it is in every election and I have always jumped over it. But this time I’m going to sue Ndawula. I will sit down with my lawyers, we shall see. They are defaming me.”

Reminded by the moderator that there is rarely smoke without fire, Nadduli, who is also the NRM vice chairperson for Buganda, lost his cool: “If you keep asking me such stupid questions, I will hang up on you. Of those [detractors] is there anyone who educated me? Then what do they know? From 1969 to date I have been a teacher. By the time I entered the bush in 1981, I had taught for 12 years and they say that I have no papers?”

He dared his challengers to an academic debate, saying: “I want us to institute a panel and we talk about the history of the world, governance and current affairs and we see if they can beat me. They say that I’m not educated. Did my Dad put the syllabus in me?”

Nadduli insists that he holds a degree in Social Work and Social Administration (SWASA) from Bugema University. But Ndawula contends that the said degree is not genuine because his admission was premised on suspect qualifications.

According to Ndawula, Nadduli was admitted to the SWASA course on the basis of a diploma in Project Planning and Management from the Management Business Skill Institute (in Uganda) and another diploma in Public Administration from a US OEGON University, both of which he says are non-existent.  

dkiyonga@observer.ug

 

Nb

But the NRM national constitution declares clearly that those who are not English educated must be ruled by those who are English educated. And the official language is English. If Abdulla fought in the bush of Buganda for his rights in the language of Luganda as a teacher that is beside the point of governance in Anglo-Uganda as an international country. He better keep his mother tongue qualifications to himself. Sorry.

 

Who is a current Ugandan Citizen during the year 2015?

Geography should therefore be the determinant factor; enabling a person

to establish a right to the citizenship of Uganda without reference

to whether they are of indigenous or immigrant heritage.

By Mahmood Mamdani & Arshad Bholim


Posted  Sunday, July 19  2015 

 

This memorandum is presented by Asian Ugandans, members of the Asian African Association of Uganda, as a contribution to the debate on citizenship provisions in the Constitution. 
The Constitution of Uganda, 1995 (amended in 2005), distinguishes between two categories of citizens: those indigenous and immigrants. Schedule 3 of the Constitution provides a list of “indigenous groups.” This list comprised 56 groups in 1995; seven more were added to the list when the Constitution was amended in 2005. This single fact suggests that the definition of “indigenous” has been subject to discussion and debate, and that the consensus over it has been shifting as a response both to changing circumstances and changing perspectives.

History of group categorisation
Pre-colonial: The historical practice of core groups that came to comprise Uganda at the time of colonisation was an inclusive one. These groups shared a practice of incorporating migrants into the core group, regularly and over time. This was done without distinction or discrimination between the original members of the group and those who joined later.

As an example, the Baganda are said to have comprised 13 clans at the time of the conquest of Kabaka Kintu, somewhere between 1200 and 1400 A.D., when Buganda was founded as a state. These have now grown to 52 clans. Yet, the Baganda do not discriminate between two types of clans: those indigenous and those who joined later. 
Colonial: This tradition changed with colonialism, which introduced two contradictory changes in the country. On the one hand, colonialism encouraged an organised migration of groups from outside Uganda. These were both from within (e.g., Nubians) and from outside Africa (e.g., Indians). On the other hand, colonialism imposed two sets of distinctions in law, first between two types of residents, those indigenous and immigrants, and second between two types of immigrants, those from within and outside Africa.

Administratively, colonialism divided the country into different districts, each said to be the homeland of a particular tribe. Furthermore, inside each district, colonialism distinguished between those indigenous and those not indigenous to the district. 
The point of these distinctions was to discriminate against one group, and to favour another - in the meantime shifting the beneficiaries and victims of this policy over time. This was at the heart of the colonial policy of divide and rule.

Post-colonial: At the end of colonialism, immigrants made political choices: some left to make futures elsewhere; others stayed, consciously identifying with this land, and choosing to make their futures here. Those who identified with the land came from diverse origins. The challenge for the newly independent republic was to forge a common citizenship for all those who choose to cast their lot with the new nation.

Citizenship in independent Uganda 
1962 Constitution: The independence Constitution did not contain a schedule listing ‘indigenous’ communities. The presumption was that all those who meet a residency requirement of five years would qualify to be citizens of Uganda. 
1995 Constitution: Schedule 3, listing indigenous communities, was first introduced in the 1995 Constitution. It was a product of a very particular political circumstance. This was the widespread fear among Ugandan elites that the Banyarwanda refugee community, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, including some of the leading commanders in the NRA, may become Uganda citizens as a matter of right given the tradition the NRA had developed in the bush.

The NRA’s practice during the guerrilla war went against the grain of the colonial legacy. Instead of categorising those living in the Luweero Triangle as those “indigenous” and those “immigrants”, the NRA distinguished between “residents” and “non-residents.” The point was to unite the vast majority and to give immigrants the confidence of belonging to the community and thus the conviction to contribute to it. This innovation was critical to NRA’s political success in mobilising the population during the guerrilla war. It is this innovation which was set aside when Schedule 3 was introduced in the 1995 Constitution.

Uganda and globalisation 
The answer to the question - Who is a Ugandan? - cannot be the same in all historical periods. To be relevant, that answer must reflect changing conditions. When it comes to the most recent period, the era after the Cold War, two changes in particular call for recognition. On the one hand, more and more Ugandans have been leaving to take up residency in countries outside Uganda, indeed outside Africa.

The remittances these Ugandans send home are the leading source of foreign exchange earnings in the national Budget. On the other hand, more and more immigrants have come to settle in Uganda from lands both within and outside Africa. 
Parliament has quite rightly recognised the former development, and noted that émigré Ugandans have taken up the citizenship of the lands in which they have settled. To affirm and keep alive their undoubted connection with Uganda, government has changed the law to allow dual nationality. 
It is necessary for the government to recognise the reality of the latter development: well before the independence of Uganda, many immigrants settled here and identified their future with that of this country, and others will continue to arrive here and to establish their connection with Uganda.

Surely the way to acknowledge the contribution of both the historical and more recent migrants, and to guarantee their full participation in the affairs of this country is for our laws to grant the right to citizenship solely on the basis of the strength of a person’s connection to Uganda. 
In this way we would finally repudiate the colonial legacy of legal discrimination between groups based on their origin, and would thus give reality to Article 21 of the Constitution: “(1) All persons are equal before and under the law in all spheres of political, economic, social and cultural life and in every other respect and shall enjoy equal protection of the law; (2) without prejudice to clause (1) of this article, a person shall not be discriminated against on the ground of sex, race, colour, origin tribe, birth, creed or religion, social or economic standing, political opinion or disability.” 
The spirit of the law needs to take into account the historical fact that colonialism made for settlements of people from diverse origins, some who left at the end of colonialism, others who stayed (and may be were expelled). Those who stayed and identified their future with this land came from diverse origins. 
To acknowledge this is to think of citizenship as a river joined by different streams as it moves along its course. What sense does it make to distinguish between streams of water -indigenous and immigrant - once they have become part of the main flow of the river? 
More than 50 years after independence, and 90 years after the determination of Uganda’s boundaries, it is surely anomalous to persist in citing (as in the Third Schedule of the 1995 Constitution) membership of particular communities or groups as the basis for Ugandan citizenship. 
Today, any person who has a connection to Uganda, either due to heritage or migration experience, will readily be identified on the basis of their lawful residence, or that of their parents, on the territory of Uganda, without the need to resort to ethnic or racial categories.

In determining citizenship in modern Uganda, the specific identification of groups, including the category of “indigenous communities” no longer serves any practical purpose in ascertaining an individual’s genuine connections to Uganda. 
At this point in Uganda’s history, when the boundaries have been clarified, the only justification for identifying groups, or classes of persons, in the conferment of citizenship, should be to enable any specific injustice that a class of persons has suffered, or might otherwise suffer, to be corrected.

Geography should therefore be the determinant; enabling a person to establish a right to the citizenship of Uganda without reference to whether they are of indigenous or immigrant heritage. 
In sum, in order to correct the adverse legacies of the colonial divide-and‐rule policy, and to ensure equal treatment in the matter of citizenship―treatment that is both non-discriminatory and consistent―it is necessary to abolish all distinctions in law between two categories of citizens: indigenous and immigrant. This is the surest way to encourage and to guarantee full participation of all citizens, without distinction, in the affairs of the country.

THE HISTORY
The Constitution of Uganda, 1995 (amended in 2005), distinguishes between two categories of citizens: those indigenous and immigrants. Schedule 3 of the Constitution provides a list of “indigenous groups.”

Mahmood Mamdani is the chairperson Asian African Association of Uganda and Arshad Bholim is the secretary.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

What Is Causing The Ugandan Shilling to loose International Value?

Uganda (Value of Imports)=481.30 USD Million as of May of 2015
Uganda (Value of Exports)=222.24 USD Million as of May of 2015

1. Uganda mostly exports agricultural products (80 percent of total exports).
2. Uganda mostly imports oil (24 percent of total imports) followed by pharmaceutical products and capital goods.

With a negative balance of trade, we can continue to expect that the shilling will always be weak against the dollar and other major currencies.

To these, add in two more issues:
1. Speculators as we head towards 2016 elections
2. The massive Infrastructural projects that are currently being implemented by government.

What’s the solution? I think the fall of the Ugandan shilling is actually good. Why? As the Mises argue;
“A trade deficit occurs when Ugandans collectively spend more on goods imported from abroad than foreigners spend on goods exported by Ugandan producers. If the shilling falls against other currencies, other things equal, Ugandan-made goods will suddenly appear cheaper, while foreign goods will become more expensive. Thus, Ugandan consumers will switch some of their purchases away from foreign goods and will “buy Ugandan,” while foreign consumers will import more goods made in Uganda as well. The result will be a shrinking trade deficit.”

 

How Countries Run Broke?

 

In 1999, Greece, then part of the Eurozone joined other countries to adopt the Euro as a common currency. There was a boom in trade as the market was larger. This honeymoon was short-lived for the ‘peripheral’ Eurozone countries like Italy, Greece and Spain – the free movement of labour meant that richer countries like Germany attracted the cheaper labour. Higher costs of labour in the peripheral countries like Greece drove up the costs of their exports – their exports were ignored as the mammoth EU market could afford to negotiate for much cheaper goods (and services) from elsewhere. They slipped into a trade deficit – and then they could not finance their budget – hence a budget deficit. So they started borrowing – because they had been used to living a ‘good embellished life’ they soon became mammoth borrowers for the sake of balancing their budget and maintaining their lifestyles. In came the bomb-shell: In 2008, a recession hit Europe and the richer countries started to mind about saving – ‘nebakodowala’. Then the Greek government lied about their financial health and when this lying was discovered, the insurance costs of lending to Greece shot up. They could not borrow as they wanted. The costs of lending followed – interest rates shot up because of the risk involved in lending to poor people – then their banks run short of money and Greece was insolvent. For the first time, in 2012, they failed to pay their IMF loan! This was the mother of scandals because their credit worthiness nose-dived and it became a high-risk gamble lending them any money. Since 2012, they have been surviving on bail-outs from richer EU countries – but with tough strings attached – the recipients had to down-grade the lifestyle they were used to and change to a life of austerity. This year, their shoe-string budget went even tighter. As the money they’d borrowed run out, they defaulted on several loan payments and their lenders set tougher austerity conditions. The most recent development is that the country has voted to reject the new conditions that require them to live like poverty stricken peasants. What does this mean – no one is going to lend them any money anymore. Just last week, banks put a cap of Eur60 per day on every person withdrawing money (and Eur120 per week) – whether you saved the ka-money you’d worked hard for. There is simply no liquidity. Now, with their current vote to reject a forced peasant livelihood, the banks will run short of money in a week. When countries are poor, they often devalue their currency, so as to reduce the costs of goods and services hence increase exports – but these guys CANNOT devalue a currency they are not in control of. Only three options left:
1. Leave the Eurozone and print sacks of cash so that they can buy their tomatoes at 1 Million ‘Greek Moneys’ each OR
2. Sit down on a table and agree with the lenders that they reduce their already miserable lifestyle to more austerity OR
3. Seek debt forgiveness – not even relief but complete forgiveness, hoping that those who lent them the billions do not need them (extremely difficult)
Whichever option they choose, Greece might be the first developed country to recede back to a third world country like Uganda where austerity is normal and pervasive.

In 2009, 4 years into my lecturing career, and a decade into my Medical career, my workmate came beaming into our office and announced to me that she had met an OB of mine and as they chatted, my name slipped into the conversation. Mbu, my OB told her: “Wapi, I know that ka-guy called Mayega – he is a ‘broke ass” (to use the very exact words); ‘In fact they are all broke asses – his father used to bring him and his 6 brothers to boarding school on a bicycle”. At first I thought the ka-guy was a bully, but the more I thought about it, the more I saw a wry snobbish satire. Because come to think ’bout it: Apart from the politicians and their patrons, who is not broke? In Uganda, it is very normal to be totally broke, and austerity has never been our problem. Songs like ‘Sitya Loss’ with ululating rustic kids attest to this. We live in chronic austerity and do not understand why it is so difficult for the Europeans. We ask no questions to our governments. When tough times call, we swallow our pride, recoil and go into social ‘hybernation’ or economic limbo. We cut the sugar in our tea, and ration the meat-balls to favour the ‘bread-winner’ – for in him/her lies our survival. When things become better, we switch on the money guzzlers: In the rural areas, we marry a few more wives/husbands and we can even inherit their HIV if we want (Yes, even well earning experienced women practice a form of undocumented money-related polyandry); in the urban areas, we buy Toyota ‘Hi-mpsum’ (Yes, that’s what one mogul calls it), and buy the ‘side-dish’ what James Onen calls a ‘Sexually Transmitted Vehicle’.

Some guy on campus would make a roll-call on our floor searching for those who were forfeiting their government provided supper that day and would ‘borrow’ their government meal cards. He would stock up on 3 servings of posho and beans. Then he’d the only 2000/= to buy his girl-friend a plate of chips and chicken. Every-time the girl-friend asked why he had ordered for one plate, he’d tell her stories of how he’d already imbibed 2 cheese-burgers. Another lad went to tears when as he was walking out of mess, a hawk nose-dived to his plate and stole the only piece of meat he’d been served. Yet another one tripped and fell flat on his belly but kept his plate of food fully balanced and horizontal without a single ‘bean’ falling off – A.U.S.T.E.R.I.T.Y!

In Uganda, even a well earning person can fall into austerity for three complete days if their ATM Card is ‘swallowed’ by the ATM (It happened to me one weekend not so long ago) because we use debit instead of credit cards. Banks are paranoid about issuing credit cards because Ugandan creditors behave like the lender – u give someone money and u have to mug them or threaten violence to get paid.

For us Ugandans’ we know how to survive on ‘photosynthesis’ when things are bad. There is also the ever open option of back-migration to the village or the slum. In the village, people live in perpetual austerity – they have cut all non-essentials including taking unnecessary soap baths. They give birth to 10 children even in severe austerity, and refer the children to God’s hands. Doctors are very used to earning US$ 300 without complaint, even when they conduct 6 Caesarean sections per day. We are very used to dust, potholes and second-hand clothes (from austerity fearing Europe)

Many an unemployed youth uses ‘Foot-subishi’ for 10 kilometer promenades everyday, dropping CVs wherever there is a hole in the wall. Single mothers work like donkeys to pull through, while village children do not mind stretching their multi-puncture pantalongs and shoe-less feet for as long as possible, in a culture of perpetual resilience. Where there is no whisky, we take ‘extremely potent’ ‘Tyson-like’ local brews that knock us off in seconds – we take it in Soda bottles so as not to arouse suspicion.

We have extended families. Orphanages are only for un-documented children abandoned on rubbish heaps. Otherwise, when someone dies, you do not wait to be asked to inherit their off-spring – duty calls immediately – and if you want, you can take the wife as ‘ebigenderako’. School girls share everything, including panties, bras and Human Papilloma Virus, just for the sake of sisterhood. In high school, I myself had a prank I used to get free samosas from peers: I would start up a captivating conversation with the group during tea break, and when everybody seemed to be enjoying my conversation, I would casually pick a samosa from their plate, with all due confidence – a tax for my ‘free story’. Some would eye-ball my maneuver but quickly surrender when at the climax of the treachery, I nailed another joke. Every earning Ugandan is a local philanthropist, whether they like it or not! It is sheer social responsibility to share and take care of others, whatever you earn.

In Uganda, austerity is the norm. That is why 30% of adult Ugandans have high-blood pressure by age 40. May be we better start exporting austerity lessons to the ‘peripheral’ European countries.

 

To break or not to break the cooking pot?

 

 

SUNDAY, 27 JULY 2014

 

WRITTEN BYMARGARET WOKURI MADANDA 

 

The Baganda have this rather scary saying: Ssemusota guli mu ntamu, loosely translated as a big snake coiled in a cooking pot.

 

The solution to deal with such a dilemma is what constitutes the challenge. Do you kill this snake, and subsequently break the cooking pot or you leave it and go hungry for an unknown period?

 

It seems Uganda is now challenged with Ssemusota in the ntamu. Everywhere, either in whispers or loudly, people acknowledge the problem caused by President Museveni’s long stay in power, especially that there seems to be no peaceful transition of leadership in sight.

 

There is now divided opinion. Some think there can still be a chance of removing Museveni through the ballot, and thus save the country from an armed struggle.

 

Those who espouse this opinion are calling for electoral reforms; with hope that a levelled ground could result in Mr Museveni’s defeat and thus cause him to peacefully hand over power.

 

Others with the same thinking are calling for a national dialogue, to forge a consensus on sticking national issues. Another group seems to have run out of patience and they think the best option is to get Museveni’s government out of power by the gun.

 

These would rather have the cooking pot in pieces, and sort things later. No wonder there are unexplained attacks on police stations, which government has chosen to explain away as tribal clashes. I am told of the amazing human nature. You may live with a person for 49 years, only for the person to unexpectedly do something that blows you away.

 

We have President Museveni, whom the country almost gave an open cheque. So much was he trusted that when the likes of Dr Kizza Besigye came out to contest against him in 2001, they were castigated as having ambition and personal vendetta. Today, you want to ask yourself whether Mr Museveni, all along, lied to the people of Luweero who gave him sanctuary; lied to his colleagues in the bush, and eventually told lies to Ugandans. Or did he just realize, just like his predecessor presidents that ‘the chair is sweet’ and threw away all modesty?

 

One person who diagnosed Africa’s challenge said the problem was for those who overstayed in power without elections. But what elections are we talking about, the ones that have twice been declared below international standards by courts; elections where some people have had to literary dodge bullets to win, or elections where there are parallel tallying centres?

 

During the 2011 presidential elections, while at the Inter-Party Coalition (IPC) campaign bureau, we got news that government had set up a parallel tallying centre, with intent to edit results that would be announced by the Electoral Commission. To pre-empt this, IPC sought to make the process a little more transparent by, among others, having party representatives to escort results from sub-counties to the district tallying centres.

 

A legal committee led by late Sam Njuba (RIP) sought audience with the electoral commission. Humility would have demanded that commissioners give audience to the opposition’s legal team, and maybe politely reject their proposals. But instead the commissioners refused to meet the Njuba-led team. The now renegade Gen Sejusa confirmed that indeed, the regime had a parallel tallying centre.

 

Perhaps, with or without such actions, the opposition would still have lost. But the point here is, by Mr Museveni and his cohorts engaging in such subversive actions, they give credence to those who opine that the regime can never be removed through the ballot.

 

Sometimes we meet amazing people. One trainer once shared that most of these problematic people, who seem to have invisible powers, can easily be dealt with if we knew their weak points.

 

She said that during San Abacha’s reign in Nigeria, citizens whispered, elites held conferences, mediators and experts were called in but Abacha seemed to be this immovable mountain. But little did the Nigerians know that all they needed were two or three prostitutes to sort the problem. How can a few individuals hold a whole 33+ million Ugandans hostage?

 

The author is a social critique.

 

 

The said verses read thus: “25 ‘And this is the inscription that was written: MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN. 26This is the interpretation of each word. MENE: God has numbered your kingdom, and finished it; 27TEKEL: You have been weighed in the balances, and found wanting; 28PERES: Your kingdom has been divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.’”

But how can one understand these four verses unless they get the context? Well, that entire chapter is titled “Belshazzar’s feast”. Belshazzar was the king of Babylon, the son of King Nebuchadnezzar, and last king before the advent of the Medes and Persians.

In the midst of merriment at the great feast the king hosted for thousands of his lords, wives and concubines, a human hand, out of the blue, started writing these words on the wall. The king personally witnessed the hand doing the act!

He instantly got troubled to the extent that “the joints of his hips were loosened and his knees knocked against each other.” He “cried aloud to bring in the astrologers, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers.” He told the kingdom’s wise men: “Whoever reads this writing, and tells me its interpretation shall be clothed with purple and have a chain of gold around his neck; and he shall be the third ruler in the kingdom.”

All wise men were brought in, but none of them could read or interpret the words.  The queen, then, came in and recommended that a man called Daniel, with the Spirit of God upon him, who had been elevated by King Nebuchadnezzar for his wisdom and knowledge, be consulted.

Daniel, a Hebrew and former captive, came in and before he gave the above interpretation, he told the king: “Let your gifts be for yourself, and give your rewards to another; yet I will read the writing to the king, and make known to him the interpretation.”

That very night, Belshazzar was slain. Darius, the Mede, immediately took over the kingdom. Darius was one of the two gatekeepers of the royal palace whom the confused and instantly sickly king had ordered to slaughter anyone that tried to come into the palace. Belshazzar himself moved out and tried to come in. His pleas that he was the king came to naught! Nebuchadnezzar’s reign of 21 years had had a similarly bad ending!

Even before Museveni sacked Amama Mbabazi as prime minister, many commentators rushed to say that by quoting the Bible, President Museveni was warning Mbabazi to be careful because he (Museveni) had the powers to sack him. But if that be the case, whose ‘kingdom’ can we say would be ‘divided’? The head of state was not Mbabazi; it is Museveni!

Another way to interpret this is that the parting of ways with Mbabazi could be the start of the evaporation of Museveni’s sweet song.  A kingdom (or a regime for that matter)  does not collapse in a matter of days, or months. It was comparatively easier for Museveni to part ways with other comrades such as Augustine Ruzindana, David Sejusa or Kizza Besigye, but his handling of Mbabazi could be the proverbial crossing of the Rubicon for him and the NRM regime.

Not that Mbabazi was indispensable, but because Mbabazi’s could have been the enigmatic hand that wrote the unpleasing words ‘on the walls of State House’. Museveni has been NRM’s chief executive officer, but this was a joint, not personal, project. The Mbabazi family might have riled Museveni’s family, but the fate of Uganda is preserved elsewhere, not in either of the families.

It is interesting that the one who should not have quoted that scripture has been drugged à la Belshazzar into reading it on the microphone for all and sundry to hear! Well, after all, Belshazzar had been the first to see the hand writing on the wall.

Although Amin overthrew the UPC government in 1971, the regime’s dive started when Prime Minister Milton Obote sent troops to attack President Edward Mutesa at Lubiri in 1966. Other commentators see the genesis as 1964: the Nakulabye massacres and the UPC conference in Gulu, where Grace Ibingira replaced John Kakonge as secretary general. In 1966, Minister Ibingira was thrown into jail by President Obote!

The rest, as they say, is history. But sometimes history gives useful hints on the future.

 

jmusinguzi@observer.ug

The author is a Ugandan journalist.

 

 

50 years after our independence:

What is the Buganda Question? 

Kabaka Edward Muteesa II (C) upon his return from two years

of exile in Britain on October 18,1955.

 
By Yoga Adhola

 

Posted  Sunday, December 23  2012 

 

What is the answer? The theme of the Buganda Conference just concluded was, “Prospects and challenges of resolving the Buganda question after 50 years of Uganda’s independence.” What, however, is the Buganda question? Writes Yoga Adhola

 
Way back in the early 60s a young American researcher, Terence K. Hopkins, of the Department of Sociology, Columbia University, sought to put this question. She wrote in an article, “Politics in Uganda: The Buganda Question,” which was published in the book, “Boston University Papers on Africa,” edited by A. A. Castagino and Jeffrey Butler and published by Praeger of New York, 1967. 

It is an article which every Ugandan, and particularly the Baganda, should read. Incidentally, the Baganda should also read Prof. Ali Mazrui’s article, “Privilege and Protest as integrative factors: The case of Buganda’s status in Uganda,” published in the book, “Protest and Power in Black Africa,” edited by Robert I. Rothberg and Ali A. Mazrui. (Anyone interested in reading these two articles can contact me by e-mail, and I will make them available)

In her article, Terence K. Hopkins argued: “Politically, this tension takes the form of the “Buganda question”, the dimensions and ramifications of which are many, but the core of which can be simply stated: What place should Buganda, its ruler the Kabaka, and its people the Baganda, occupy in the emerging national society? It has not been an easy question for Ugandans to answer.

To many Baganda they are an elite people, endowed with a superior culture, superior economic wealth, and superior political traditions. To those among them who have thought about the matter at all, it was until fairly recently almost inconceivable that they should not provide the leadership for the new state.

To many non-Baganda such claims have appeared pretentious, the wealth not wholly deserved, and the traditions a liability. While valuing much that Buganda has attained, particularly the relative well-being of its people and its political successes during the colonial period, the others have been no more prepared to put up with the Baganda overrule than with British overrule.”

As put by Hopkins, the Buganda question is an identity question. Prof. Kiwanuka, himself a Muganda, tells us Buganda became a dominant power in the region that now encompasses Uganda from around 1600. He did this in an article he published in the Makerere Historical Journal Volume 1 No. 1975 pages 19-32. The title of the article is, “The Emergence of Buganda as a dominant power in the interlacustrine region of East Africa, 1600-1900.”

To many less thoughtful Baganda, this was a heroic period when they were a great power. It is this greatness which is sang about in the Buganda national anthem (ekiitibwa kya Buganda), which talks about the glory (greatness) of Buganda which came from way back in history, and we (the present generation of Baganda) must also uphold it. While this period of dominance and conquest fills some Baganda with immense pride, the unthinking Baganda who celebrate it, don’t realise other identities view the period as one of their domination, humiliation and conquest by Buganda.

The 300 years of dominance and conquest of the other identities (tribes), lasted uninterrupted until the eve of colonisation. That is the period when under the able leadership of Omukama Kabalega, the kingdom of Bunyoro began to resist the dominance of Buganda. It was waging war against Buganda and sometimes retaking its lost territory when the British arrived with the intention of colonising the area.

British-Buganda alliance

The British who needed an ally in the subjugation of the other natives, immediately allied with the Baganda who were being pressurised by the resurgent Bunyoro. The two formed a formidable alliance and went on to defeat Bunyoro in the war of 1893/1894, and forced Kabalega to take refuge in Lango.

For such services and many others that followed, the colonial authorities were to accord Buganda differential treatment throughout the colonial period. In 1900, for instance, the British signed a quasi-treaty with Buganda, in which Buganda was to be treated differently from the rest of the colony. The 1900 agreement was to constitute the parameters of Buganda’s relations with the colonial authorities until the mid 50s when Governor Andrew Cohen rattled the relations.

The Baganda also had a head start in adapting to the new things brought about by colonialism. They adopted Christianity earlier than the rest of the colony. They began growing cash crops such as cotton and coffee before all the other identities. They also went to school earlier and ended up having the best schools based in their territory. A combination of these factors was to imbue the Baganda with an ideology of a superior identity.

In 1952, Sir Cohen became governor of Uganda. As part of his efforts to prepare Uganda for independence, he sought to make changes in the governance of Buganda and the Kabaka refused. The Governor then deported Kabaka Mutesa to Britain. The intention of the deportation was to replace Mutesa as Kabaka with a prince who would accept the changes that Cohen was proposing. This strategy did not work and Mutesa had to come back and resume the kabakaship in 1955.

Much as a new agreement to update the 1900 agreement was put in place, the unintended consequence of Mutesa’s return, in a manner which appeared he had won, was to make the Baganda feel they could negotiate with the British without taking into account the views and feelings of the rest of Ugandans. Some extremist Baganda even felt that independence should be handed to them. Thus for instance, a meeting of the Lukiiko in 1957, the Omuwanika (Treasurer) of Buganda let slip a remark that Uganda ought to become a “Federal state under the Kabaka”.

These acts of chauvinism gave rise to a crescendo of hostility in the rest of the country. The Katikiros (Chancellors) of the Western Province kingdoms talked of forming the Western Provincial Council to resist Buganda. In the rest of the country, contrary to earlier expectations by the Baganda, Legico members organized the District Councils to pass angry resolutions against the chauvinism of the Baganda.

As the resentment to Ganda chauvinism mounted, Professor Anthony Low, then teaching history at Makerere, reported that rumours began to spread that “the old and widespread hostility against them (the Baganda chauvinists) would be channelled into a new-style political party.” (Low, D.A. 1971: 190)

As all this was going on amongst the political groupings of Ugandans, the British methodically continued preparing the country for independence. On October 10, 1957 the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, while in Uganda as part of an East African fact finding mission, gave his approval to the unanimous view in the colony that direct elections for the Legico be held in 1958.

However, by this time, the Buganda Government’s initially positive stance toward direct elections had eroded, as had its concomitant enthusiasm to be involved in the Legico. Not only did Buganda view an accelerated movement toward independence with foreboding, but the neo-traditionalist had come to realise that direct elections in Buganda, whether to the Legico or to the Lukiiko, represented a serious threat to their hold on power in Buganda. This is what informed the boycott of the Legico elections in 1958.

The following year, two things which stoked the fires of the Buganda Question occurred. One, following internal contradictions within the Uganda National Congress, Milton Obote was elected to lead the UNC. With Obote’s election as President of UNC, both the leadership of the UNC, the most significant political organisation in the country, and the unofficial members of the Legico, had dovetailed into one person. Furthermore, for the first time in about three centuries, the initiative was in the hands of the non-Baganda. The Baganda had not only lost the leadership of the forces then moving history at the time, but their opponents had the upper hand in the Wild Committee, which was setting up the ground rules for independence.

Secondy, The Wild Committee which had been tasked to study and make recommendations on constitutional development in the colony made its report in 1959. While the setting up of this committee was clearly inspired by Buganda’s refusal to participate in the 1958 Legico elections, ironically Buganda refused to participate in this committee. The one thing the Wild Committee recommended which incensed the Baganda, was the principle of direct elections to the Legico with no special safeguards for Buganda, should be accepted as a prelude to government through representation.

About these two events, Prof. Mutibwa has written: “As a reaction to the publication of the Wild Report, whose committee Mengo had boycotted, Buganda authorities decided to demand once again separate independence for their kingdom.” The Baganda appear to have been in a near panic. There were attempts to form a party of their own - the Uganda National Party (UNP) - which, it was even suggested, could merge with the new UPC. It was all a gamble, especially as the Mengo Establishment was faced, apparently for the first time, with fears that Obote might become Uganda’s first Prime Minister. Certainly the prospects of being governed by a non-Muganda filled the Baganda with dismay.

It is against this background that the decision to renew the demand for separate independence by January 1, 1961 should be viewed. The British Government refused to be drawn into any fresh arguments with Buganda on this topic. They simply ignored the Buganda Lukiiko’s resolution when it was submitted to Westminster via Entebbe, and when January 1, 1961 arrived, Buganda was as much a part of the Uganda Protectorate as before. In short, that was the end of the matter.

While ignoring Buganda’s declaration of independence, the colonial authorities also continued preparing for elections. And to this the Baganda responded by boycotting the elections. Buganda, with 24 electoral constituencies, had 36,000 voters, a mere 4 to 5 per cent of the eligible voters registering. This was in stark contrast to the rest of the country that consisted of 58 electoral constituencies, and where 1,300,433 out of the estimated 1,500,000 to 1,750,000 registered to vote, a figure which represented over 75 per cent of those enfranchised.

In an effort to resolve the crisis in the relationship between Buganda and the colonial authorities, Obote secured the appointment of a commission under the chairmanship of Lord Munster. After four months of deliberations and consultations, the Uganda Relationship Commission submitted its report in June 1961.

The Munster Commission recommended that Buganda’s separatist demands should be incorporated in the Constitution as some sort of federal arrangement. In this regard The Munster Commission envisaged a Uganda consisting of a federal Buganda, and semi-federal Toro, Ankole, and Bunyoro.

The Commission also recommended indirect elections for Buganda’s representatives to the National Assembly, the inviolability of Buganda’s constitution, Buganda’s independent treasury, a separate High Court and a semi-independent police force, but not an independent army, or exclusive control of Entebbe and Kampala.

The proposals of the Munster Commission were later discussed at the Lancaster House Conference in October 1961. At the deliberations, with the assistance of UPC (and strongly resisted by the DP), Buganda attained most of its desires. About this, Mutesa was to write in his book: “The talks were successful. With Obote’s support we obtained a great deal of what we wanted and looked to receive the rest later.....”

Notwithstanding this satisfaction with the results of the Constitutional Conference, Buganda, having boycotted the 1961 elections which brought an illegitimate DP government in power, continued its firm resistance to Kiwanuka’s government. Another Constitutional conference to resolve the remaining matters was slated for a time later in the year, but Buganda was in no mood to attend it.

It is at this point in time that UPC (and Obote in particular) took up serious negotiations to persuade Buganda to attend the conference. Subsequently, on September 5, 1961, Obote, as UPC leader, issued a statement in which he outlined a strategy for persuading Buganda to participate in the forthcoming constitutional conference to prepare for independence.

He invited the Lukiiko to join hands with the UPC and form a “partnership” during the conference. He pointed out that it was the Lukiiko, and not the Buganda DP members of Parliament that was supported by the overwhelming majority of the people in Buganda. He argued that since, as evidenced by the results of the elections, UPC represented the majority of those outside Buganda, then “in the event of the opposition party (UPC) coming to an understanding with the Lukiiko, the British Government must accept that understanding with the Lukiiko, as one between Buganda and the rest of the country.”

Obote meets Buganda delegation

Four days later, a UPC delegation led by Obote met a Buganda delegation led by the Katikiro, Michael Kintu. Later in the day a reliable source was quoted by the `Uganda Argus’ as saying: “that full and complete agreement had been reached on points which were either left open when the Constitutional Committee saw the Governor, or on which there was disagreement.”

Following from this accord, Buganda took steps to attend the conference that began on September 18. As expected, the UPC supported Buganda’s desires on the manner of selecting her 21 representatives to the National Assembly. The two parties also advanced their common position on the timetable for the next elections. Against strong opposition from the DP, these two demands were endorsed by the conference, and a de facto alliance between UPC and the neo-traditionalists sealed.

The Constitutional Conference arrived at a unanimous consensus that however important the elections of March 1961 had been, in view of the boycott, they could not constitute the basis for governance. To remedy this, the DP had proposed that fresh elections should be held after independence. Both the UPC and the Buganda delegations had pressed for fresh elections immediately and before independence. The Conference eventually resolved that elections would be held in April 1962.

It was also ruled that the elections of the Lukiiko of Buganda should be early enough for it to take decisions on the form of elections in Buganda at least 14 days before the nomination day for national elections. This deadline was necessary in case the Lukiiko opted for direct elections, and so voters in Buganda would have had to be registered at the same time as those of the rest of the country.

Elections for the Lukiko were held on February 22, 1962 and KY won 69 out of 72 seats and proceeded to elect the 21 representatives from Buganda to the National Assembly. In April, after national elections in which UPC won 37 as against DPs 22 seats, the alliance between UPC and KY formed the government led by Obote as Prime Minister. Later on, as it had been agreed, Kabaka Mutesa was elected ceremonial President of Uganda.

And so going into independence a satisfactory answer to the Buganda Question had been found. Things were to change later, but that is the subject of our next article which will discuss the mistakes that the Nabagereka talked about.

Adhola is a leading ideologue of UPC.

yogaadhola@msn.com

 

 

St MARY College Kisubi (SMACK) remembers a 50-year jubilation that turned tragic

 

By GUMISIRIZA MWESIGYE

 

Posted  Friday, November 14  2014 

 

Every year, St Mary’s College Kisubi remembers its students who has passed on. However, the 12 students that met their death on their way from a football game now 50 years ago, always stands out.

 

The Greeks and Romans, as it is with Africans, believed that human experience and destiny is controlled by supernatural forces. And that the hand of fate can be cruel. Therefore, it is not far-fetched that a moment of happiness would be the stage for a tragic event; a celebration of victory meshing into an occasion of sorrow.

One evening, a bus, van, lorry and cars carrying teachers and students on their way back from a football tournament were mistaken for a group of political agitators by a company of soldiers, who were travelling in the opposite direction. The situation was not helped by the tense political atmosphere at the time during these events unfolded.

It was 1964 and the relationship between the central government and Buganda Kingdom was deteriorating. Ironically, Kabaka Edward Muteesa was then ceremonial President of Uganda, while government was headed by an executive Prime Minister, Apollo Milton Obote. What transpired between the two men and the subsequent crisis is well documented.

What happened on Entebbe Road on the evening of November 14 was probably a microcosm that could have been reflected in many other incidents elsewhere in the country. Notes by Bro. Paul Bourget, the then headmaster, and an account by Anthony Kyemwa (who?) provide a clearer insight on what transpired.

The latter narrated thus: “During that time, there was political unrest between the Central Government and Buganda Government…. Police had been stationed at Kibuye along Entebbe Road by the Central Government. And these (the Police), on seeing people who were jubilating and in a convoy of cars mistook it to be a politically motivated development. The stationed policemen informed the army at Entebbe about the developments, and, a force to crash those who were jubilating was sent leading to the accident, which claimed the students’ lives.”

The headmaster elaborate further: “Shortly past 7.30pm, staff and students of St Mary‘s College Kisubi (SMACK) were travelling from Muteesa II Stadium at Wankulukuku, in Kampala, after beating St Henry’s College Kitovu, 2-0, to win the Buganda Senior Cup Finals. At about 12 miles from Kampala, where Kisubi High School is located, the school lorry was hit by the second of two army vehicles that were speeding in the direction of the city from Entebbe. At high speed with full lights on, and well in the middle of the road, the impact of the army vehicle made the school lorry skid off the road.

Upon being hit, the occupants of the lorry were projected over the top and then to the tarmac as the lorry fell on its side. When the driver emerged from the cabin, he panicked because the soldiers had threatened to shoot him. However, he went straight to Entebbe Police Station to report.

The driver of the army truck, which was ahead and containing approximately 20 soldiers, drove back to the scene. The soldiers’ lorry, which had caused the accident, had fallen on its side across the road. Bodies of dead students were on the road while the injured students lay in agony.

The army men refused to help with first aid equipment or to transport the injured when requested. As if this was not bad enough, a soldier was seen hitting one of the wounded boys, who eventually died. Another soldier was seen with his foot on the chest of another schoolboy. It is such treatment that accelerated their death. Two students died on arrival at Entebbe Hospital.

Meanwhile, Bro Edward Musoke and the Head Prefect George Bamuturaki, who had been in the driver‘s cabin of the school lorry, moved to start rescue work. But they were instructed by the soldiers to leave the bodies alone. They pointed their rifles at him. With his hands up, he pleaded with the soldiers to let him carry on the rescue work. Incidentally, people who wanted to help the injured were also told off at gunpoint.

Shortly afterwards, the bus with the other students arrived at the spot. They were jubilating only to be taken by surprise at the sight before them. One of them, C. B. Kaliisa reported: “We peeped through the windows to find out what had happened. As it was dark, we could only see the two lorries, which had overturned. As soon as one of us discovered that it was our lorry, which had been involved in the accident, unanimous cries rang out. As we rushed out, we were stunned at the sight of horror. We picked up courage and ran to help our brothers in agony. There were streams of blood over the tarmac, scattered shoes of the victims, and fragmented pieces from the lorry body. It was hard to stop tears streaming down. The students who had fallen on the tarmac were already dead, while those that had been thrown on the sides of the road and into the bushes were struggling.”

It is said the soldiers had tried to crash into other school vehicles, which were in front of the lorry that actually got an accident. So, this clearly shows the motive prior to the actual accident.

At the college, Bro Paul Bourget secured all available cars and appointed staff members to carry the bodies of the dead from the mortuary at Mulago hospital to their respective home areas. They were accompanied by security personnel to help counter any eventualities as some parents had not known about the tragedy and were to receive the news with the delivery of the body.

On November 16, a requiem mass was held to pray for the departed at Kisubi parish church. It was attended by an estimated 2,000 people who included government officials, representatives of various religions, medical and educational institutions, students and staff of SMACK.

Since 1964, every year a memorial mass has been held on November 14 for those 12 students who died and the others—students, staff and alumni—who have passed on. Today is the 50th anniversary.

Survivors

One of the survivors of that 1964 incident is Eng JB Walusimbi, former Chairman SMACK Board of Governors and Katikkiro of Buganda kingdom. John Baptist Semanobe, one-time Fufa president, and Ambassador Tomusange, scorers of the two goals that won the football tournament, were in the other vehicles. The others who were injured but later recovered are: Edward F. Kyewalyanga, Anthony Gomes, John Kaboggoza, Augustino Makubuya, Ssengendo Waswa, Gerald Tamale, Gerald Serunkuma, Bernardine Olwoch, William Okirima, Marino Omoro, Rustico Ggayi, Thadeo Babiiha, G. W. Bamuturaki, Teofilo Ocang, Bro. Edward Musoke, J. C. Kyaterekera, G. W. Kakande, G. W. Kamussime and Peter Suubi.

Short biographies of the 12 students that died in the accident

 

A photograph of the 12 students that died on November 14 hangs in the Main Hall at St Mary’s College, Kisubi. Courtesy PHOTO

 

Michael Owot (22)

He was born in 1942 in Gulu and had his primary and some secondary education at Gulu. In 1956, he was admitted to St. Mary’s College Kisubi in S1, but his stay was short lived because of financial problems. He left and joined Fatima Primary Teachers’ Training College qualifying as a Primary Teacher. He taught for a year, and went to Ngora T.T.C for upgrading. In 1963, he was re-admitted to SMACK in S3. He died a week before sitting for his Senior Cambridge Exams.

Francis Bbosa (18) – S3.

Born in 1946 in Busujju. Lost his father when he was five years old, and his poor mother took to care for him. In 1962, he was admitted to SMACK.

Egidio Obella (18) - S3.

Born on August 16, 1947. He was the eldest in his family. He was from Atutur, Kumi County. His father Faustino Iyama was a tailor in Bukedea and Kumi. In 1962, he was admitted at SMACK. He ranked among the brightest students in his class.

Philip K. Kirumira (19) – S3.

Son of Mr John Kibirige of Lyantonde village, Kabula County. He was born in 1944. Had his primary and junior secondary at Rubaga. In 1961 he was admitted at SMACK.

Joseph Yawe (19) – S2.

Yawe was kind, obedient, jolly, generous, honest, tolerant, simple, cooperative and friendly. He was indeed an intelligent person. He was the overall best student in Singo County in PLE.

Romano K.K. Nsobya (18) - S2.

He was born in the County of Gomba at Bukalagi in 1946. He was the first born of his family. On completion of primary six in Bukalagi, he joined Savio Junior Secondary School, during which time he was head prefect at the school. He joined SMACK in 1963.

Moris J. K. Kitimbo (18) - S2.

He was born on September 22, 1945 at Kamuli Mission. He was good at volley ball, hockey and swimming. He sat for his senior entrance exams in November 1961 and joined St. Mary‘s College in 1962. He proved very religious minded. He was member of Y.C.S, the Chapel Choir, The Music Society and altar boy.

M.M. Victor Kagaba (16) - S1. Was from Kigezi District. He was simple, cheerful and many students loved him. He had funny jokes with the tutors and was polite as well as obedient to them. The senior one class lost one of its cheerful, good-mannered and well-behaved boy.

Jack. Vincent Oryema – (16) - S1. Was son of Mr Cirilo Olange a Police Constable at Mbale. By the time of his death, he was 16 years. He was accepted at St. Mary‘s in 1964. During his ten months stay at SMACK, he was pleasant, co-operative, kind, and a lover of music.

Remigio Ssemakula – (18) - S1. Born at Kiweesa village about 20 miles from Masaka town. He started his studies late, but managed to pull through. In 1964, he was among the 33 students from Savio who were admitted to SMACK. He had courage and concern about the welfare of others, which he practiced even at his last hour when he helped some of his companions who were involved in the accident before he succumbed to his injuries.

John Kayira – (14) - S1.

He was 14 years when he died. He attended primary at Kamodo in Teso and after six years, he joined Savio School. He was granted a State Scholarship by the Uganda Government. Kayira used to call friends by their nicknames and had given himself the name ‘Electric Boy’, and one time he tried to make an Electric bell.

Ladislaos Kamya – (18) - S1. He was 18 years by the time of his death. He was born in Ssese Islands on Buggala Island, near the Sub-county headquarters.

This article is based on information compiled by William Kituuka.

dmwesigye@ug.nationmedia.com

 

Govt. of Uganda is presently trying to put up a Shs1 billion water project for the poor communities in North Uganda.

Posted  Friday, April 3  2015
Nwoya, Uganda.
 

The Ministry of Water and Environment on Wednesday commissioned a Shs1.4 billion water project in Purongo Sub-county, Nwoya District.

The project is being implemented through Water and Sanitation Development Facility-North, a service delivery and funding mechanism for water supply and sanitation investments in small towns and rural growth centres in northern Uganda.

The system has two underground water sources, 13.3 km of pipe network, 100 cubic metre capacity reservoir tank, and 205 service connections.

Speaking at the launch, Mr George Alito, the area water facility manager, said the project is aimed at providing safe and clean water to small towns in the north.

“We are now encouraging locals to extend water into their homes and those that have not been connected by the project will be connected by the scheme operators in the due course,” Mr Alito said.

He added that two water kiosks have also been put in place in line with the pro-poor strategy.

Purongo Sub-county chief Esther Alimo said the water facility will help residents who have been trekking for long distance in search for clean and safe water.

She added that the water will also boost revenue for the sub-county which she said is only at Shs500 million annually.

 

African Voters as concerned citizens of their African continent are this time round standing up for Presidential term limits in the country of Burundi:

Demonstrators face off against police officers during a protest

against President Pierre Nkurunziza’s third term bid in

Bujumbura.

Photo by AFP

By TREVOR ANALO

Posted  Monday, May 4  2015  

IN Nairobi Kenya, FOR THE COUNTRY OF BURUNDI,

The public demonstrations in Burundi by citizens opposed to President Pierre Nkurunziza running for a third term, are just part of a broader wave of uprisings across Africa.
The continent’s increasingly politically aware public— thought to be too poor or too ethnically-minded to engage in protest for social transformation — is using uprisings, protests and revolts as its political currency.
A new civic-minded voter is emerging in Africa, one who is not willing to remain passive as politicians disregard the law.
Last year, Burkina Faso made international headlines when protestors set fire to the country’s parliament during violent demonstrations against the country’s legislators’ attempt to increase the presidential term limits to three. 
Parliament would have paved the way for then president Blaise Compaore — who came to power in 1987 — to prolong his stay at the helm.
Parliament’s intentions sparked a massive revolt from Burkinabes who gathered in the capital, Ouagadougou, and the second biggest city, Bobo Dioulasso, forcing Compaore to resign after 27 years in power.
In the 1990s, when African countries were introducing democratic reforms, term limits were introduced too to end the undemocratic phenomenon of “life presidents”.
Burkina Faso and Burundi are part of a wider trend in Africa in the past few years where presidents introduced term limits only to scrap them for personal interests.
Compaore, interestingly, was the first to have the term limits scrapped in 1997 and later reinstated them in 2000 after political pressure.
Through the late 1990s to the early 2000, six other presidents joined Compaore in bringing back the “Big Man Syndrome” of African politics by removing term limits.
In 1999, Namibia’s Sam Nujoma won a referendum to increase the presidential terms to three. Omar Bongo of Gabon followed suit in 2003, Lansana Conté of Guinea in 2003, Gnassingbé Eyadéma of Togo in 2002, and Zine el Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia in 2002.
Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni started the second wave of scrapping term limits in the mid 2000s. As he was nearing the end of his second term after his election in 2001, Museveni won a referendum in 2005 to remove term limits.
The same year, Idris Deby of Chad also scrapped term limits, and so did Paul Biya of Cameroon in 2008 and Abdelazziz Bouteflika of Algeria the same year.
Some presidents also unsuccessfully attempted to have their constitutions changed to allow them an additional term in office. Zambia’s Frederick Chiluba’s quest for a third term in 2001 was successfully opposed by the opposition and his own party.
In 2003, Malawi’s Bakili Muluzi also unsuccessfully campaigned for a constitutional amendment to allow him to run for a third term.
In 2006, supporters of then Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo failed to push through a constitutional amendment to give him an extra term.
Niger’s Mamadou Tandja’s attempts to extend his rule resulted in a coup while Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal was rejected by voters in the 2012 elections when he forced his way onto the ballot after serving two terms.
Today, a number of African presidents are on the last days of their administrations and some are openly planning to extend their stay in power. Others are doing it discreetly to minimise the risks of an internal revolt like that in Bukina Faso.
In Rwanda, allies of President Paul Kagame are urging him to stay on as his second term comes to an end in 2016. His critics have no doubt that the president’s allies will do anything that is politically feasible to put his name on the ballot — already they are calling for a referendum to gauge public opinion.
Sanctions and aid suspension may not be a big deterrent to African presidents bent on scrapping term limits, but increasingly, internal mass revolts from outraged citizens are.

Burundi case

The army has broken its silence on the current unrest in Burundi.
The soldiers are appealing to all the political actors to respect the constitution and the Arusha Accord.
The 2000 Arusha Agreement is categorical on limiting the presidential term to a maximum two of five years each.
The move by the army follows the outbreak of protests against President Pierre Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term in office.

 

Government told to end rights violation:

Ms Margaret Sekagya, the former UN expert on the situation

of human rights defenders.

PHOTO BY STEPHEN WANDERA

By Stephen Kafeero

Posted  Monday, May 18  2015 
 

Kampala. Buganda State, Uganda: 

A regional fund to support human rights defenders (HRDs) in the Great Lakes Region has been launched, with calls for respect for rights and freedoms in the region.
Speaking at the launch, Ms Margaret Sekagya, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of HRDs, asked countries in the Great Lakes Region to take note of their obligations in international and national laws.
“The rights to freedom of association, peaceful assembly, issues of freedom of expression and opinion are so vital in such situations,” she said.

Ms Sekaggya observed that states need to ensure that there is no impunity for rights violations.
“They should investigate without delay any alleged acts of violations and bring perpetrators to justice. States should also investigate violations committed by non-state actors and hold them accountable...”
Ms Ivy Kihara, the Regional Representative for Protection International, said the fund was important given that judicial systems are used to criminalise HRDs.

Mr Theo Hoorntje, the European Union head of cooperation, said support to HRDs was a major priority of the EU’s external human rights policy. “Human Rights defenders are our natural and indispensable allies in the promotion of human rights and democratisation in their respective countries.”
He said the EU has contributed more than Shs22b in support of human rights and democracy. 

 

Democratic Political Party of Uganda has failed to meet and  reconcile:
 
Publish Date: Jul 21, 2015
DP reconciliation meeting flops
The Lord Mayor for Kampala, Erias Lukwago at Pope Paul
Hotel, Natete where the DP reconciliation meeting was
supposed to take place on July 21st, 2015.
 
Photos/ Edward Kisoma.

 

By Andrew Ssenyonga 

The Democratic Party (DP) reconciliation meeting has floped over the party's National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting that sat in Bwebajja along Entebbe road.


The DP reconciliation committee chairperson, Zachary Olum told the media that he was forced to adjourn the meeting to Wednesday because of the NEC meeting.

"We cannot have two meetings going on at the same time. Some of the members needed in the reconciliation meeting are away in Bwebajja, so this one can't go on," Olum explained.

He also noted that both meetings were sponsored by International Republican Institute (IRI) who also advised them to defer the scheduled sitting.

"This meeting is as important as the NEC meeting, please go home it will be held tommorrow (Wednesday) at the same venue," he said.

This comes after the nation's oldest party had split into two factions; one led by the embattled Kampala Lord mayor, Erias Lukwago and the other under the outgoing president general of the party, Norbert Mao.

They both instituted a reconciliation committee of DP historical members led by Zachary Olum, Henry Ssewannyana, Dr. Kawanga Ssemwogerere and Ssebana Kizito among others.

According to Lulume Bayiga one of the party presidential aspirants, they have a number of issues to settle before the national delegates' conference.

"We are just days to the conference but I have not been availed with the national party's delegates' register. This is not fair I don't know the delegates who will vote for me," he noted.

Lukwago said that the party needs transparent leaders, those who work towards uniting party.

"We should sacrifice ourselves towards achieving a noble objective other than making mere contributions. We need a reconciled, vibrant and new DP in order to liberate the troubled Ugandans," Lukwago noted.

 

The Kooki-Buganda State county is in confusion to greet the visit of the Kattikiro of Buganda:

 


Brig Elly Kayanja (R) welcomes the Kamuswaga, Apollo Sansa Kabumbuli (in white tunic), at his home in Kifamba, Rakai District, at the weekend.

 

The Kamuswaga said Buganda Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga is free to visit Kooki County but his administration will not participate in Mr Mayiga’s activities.

PHOTO BY ALI_MAMBULE.
By ALI MAMBULE

Posted Wednesday, August 19 2015


RAKAI. Buganda State and Kingdom:

The Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga’s planned visit to Rakai District is drawing mixed reaction from the Kooki administration, with some suggesting they will not receive him officially.
The hereditary chief of Kooki County, Kamuswaga Apollo Sansa Kabumbuli, said Mr Mayiga is free to visit Rakai District but the Kamuswaga’s administration will not take part in the day’s planned activities.
Mr Mayiga plans to visit Kooki for the fundraising drive dubbed etoffaali between August 25 and 26.
Speaking during an exclusive interview with Daily Monitor at the weekend, the Kamuswaga said Mengo has not officially informed him about Mr Mayiga’s visit, something he considers as undermining his authority.
“As Kooki leadership, we shall not block Buganda Katikkiro from coming for the etoffaali programme,” the Kamuswaga said, adding: “Such a visit should have been organised by my officials, but they chose to sideline us and we are simply hearing about it through rumours, as if Mengo does not recognise me as a leader.”
However, Buganda Kingdom information minister Dennis Walusimbi said whatever was being done by Buganda is based on the Constitution of Uganda and “nothing is illegal.”
“On the issue of requesting for permission before the Katikkiro goes to Kooki, Uganda is a free country and every citizen is free to move to any place,” he said as he wondered whether the Kamuswaga asks for permission to go to his residence in Kampala.
The Kamuswaga said for quite a long time, his chiefdom’s issues have been ignored by Mengo, despite the fact that Kooki County enjoys a special status in Buganda Kingdom.
Since his enthronement in 2003, reports have been circulating that the Kamuswaga is hatching a plan to secede from Buganda Kingdom, accusing Mengo of not honouring the agreement his forefathers signed with Buganda on November 18, 1896. The chiefdom has previously raised a number of demands to Mengo, one of which is being accorded a special status, higher than that of other ssaza (county) chiefs, and to have this throne inside the Mengo Lukiiko hall.
The background
In a July 27 letter to Buganda premier Charles Peter Mayiga, Hajj Idi Kiwanuka, the Kooki chiefdom prime minister, declared that Kooki was an independent entity and they were not ready to receive Mr Mayiga.
editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

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